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LIBRARY 

OF   THE 

University  of  California. 


GLJB^T  OP" 


^cce^on 9.9.68.Q Class    ^    Bjd 


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Xenau 


AND 


IJouno  (3ermani^ 


IN 


Hmcrica, 


BY 


THOMAS  STOCKHAM  BAKER. 


DISSERTATION     PRESENTED   TO   THE    BOARD   OF    UNIVERSITY    STUDIES    OF    THE 

JOHNS    HOPKINS    UNIVERSITY   FOR   THE   DEGREE    OF 

DOCTOR    OF    PHYLOSOPHY. 


^-^  Of  Tiris 

1897.     ^^i'i'PO 


Printed  by  P.  C.  StockhauseiJJ 

53-55  N.  7th  St.,  Phila.,  Pa 


Xenau 


AND 


IJouno  ©ermani^ 


IN 


Hmetica* 


BY 


THOMAS  STOCKHAM  BAKER. 


DISSERTATION    PRESENTED  TO   THE    BOARD  OF  UNIVERSITY    STUDIES    OF    THE 

JOHNS    HOPKINS   UNIVERSITY   FOR   THE  DEGREE    OF 

DOCTOR    OF    PHYLOSOPHY. 


1897. 

Printed  by  P.  C.  Stockhausen, 

53-55  N.  7th  St.,  Phila.,  Pa. 


[iriri7BR:. 


?4.if, 


1^ 


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INTRODUCTION. 


The  eighteenth  century  has  been  regarded  as  the  representa- 
tive of  everything  that  is  artificial  in  life  and  in  art.  Not  until 
towards  its  end  was  there  noticeable  a  tendency  to  set  aside  the 
trammels  of  conventionality  in  favor  of  what  was  supposed  to 
be  a  healthier  and  more  normal  manner  of  life. 

In  direct  opposition  to  the  "  enlightenment "  and  formalism  of 
Europe  stood  the  American  continent — the  incarnation  of  the 
crude,  the  primitive  and  the  spontaneous.  From  the  time  of  its 
discovery  all  Utopian  schemes  had  received  their  inspiration 
from  what  was  supposed  to  be  the  condition  of  affairs  on  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  it  must  be  regarded  as  something  more 
than  a  fortuitous  circumstance,  that  there  should  be  noticeable 
at  the  close  of  the  reign  of  "  reason"  in  Europe — at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  reign  of  the  "  natural,"  an  almost  universal  interest 
in  things  American. 

With  the  name  of  Rousseau  is  always  associated  the  revolt 
against  the  artificiality  of  this  age,  and  while  it  is  impossible, 
and  indeed  quite  unnecessary,  to  prove  any  direct  connection 
between  the  author  of  La  Nouvelle  Heloise  and  American  affairs, 
still  it  is  pertinent  to  inquire  what  uncivilized  country  that  was 
known  at  that  time  to  him  could  have  suggested  more  com- 
pletely the  ideas  of  his  system  of  a  "  return  to  nature "  than 
America?  However  this  may  be,  whether  the  impressions  of 
the  American  life  of  nature  that  were  then  current  in  France 
formed  the  basis  for  Rousseau's  scheme  or  not,  it  is  noteworthy 
that  many  Frenchmen  of  the  next  generation,  who  stood  under 
the  immediate  influence  of  Rousseau,  took  the  ideas  of  their 
great  teacher  literally  and  endeavoring  to  get  back  to  a  "natural" 
state  embarked  for  America  in  the  hope  of  finding  here  the 
much  coveted  primitive  form  of  life. 

The  name  of  Chateaubriand  suggests  itself  at  once  in  this 
connection,  and  the  great  vogue  which  his  novels  enjoyed  showed 


>  of  ^'^ 


YT 
/V\/1/AJ 


2  Introduction. 

that  he  had  succeeded  in  finding  a  theme  that  was  sympathetic 
to  the  European  mind.  Besides  Chateaubriand  it  is  known  that 
La  Rochefoucauld-Liancourt,  Lezay-Marnesia,  Crevecoeur  as 
well  as  many  others  of  less  note  came  to  America  at  this  time 
in  search  of  inspiration,  which  was  expected  to  be  received  from 
virgin  nature.  The  enthusiasm  for  America  was,  however,  by 
no  means  confined  to  France.  The  Utopian  scheme  of  Coleridge 
and  Southey  to  foimd  their  Pantisocracy  on  the  banks  of  the 
Susquehanna  is  of  a  piece  with  what  was  going  on  in  France. 
In  English  literature  there  is  also  noticeable  an  interest  in 
American  subjects  such  as  those  treated  in  Robert  Southey's 
Songs  of  the  AmeHcan  Indiajis^  Woodsworth's  Ruth  and  Camp- 
bell's Gertrude  of  Wyoming. 

In  Germany  the  movement  of  "  Storm  and  Stress  "  is  char- 
acterised by  the  keenest  sympathy  with  American  affairs.  The 
play  itself,  which  gave  the  name  to  the  whole  school,  namely 
Klinger's  "  Sturm  und  Drang,"  had  its  place  of  action  in 
America,  and  its  author  contemplated  for  some  time  leaving 
Europe  to  fight  for  American  independence. 

Wagner  and  Heinse  were  also  about  to  come  to  America,  but 
were  prevented  from  doing  so.  Seume's  poetical  work  on 
American  subjects  was  the  result  of  a  forced  visit,  he  having 
been  compelled  to  share  with  the  Hessians  their  adventures  in 
America. 

This  brief  introduction  is  sufficient  to  show  that  there  is  a 
chapter  in  the  history  of  culture  and  the  history  of  literature 
which  remains  to  be  written.  It  is  the  influence  that  the  Ameri- 
can aboriginal  conditions  have  had  upon  European  life  and 
thought.  This  cannot  be  attributed  to  any  especial  period — not 
the  America  of  to-day,  but  rather  the  general  idea  of  primitive- 
ness  which  the  Western  Continent  has  always  suggested. 


NICOLAUS  IvENAU'S  AMERICAN  JOURNEY. 


From  what  has  already  been  said,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  coming 
of  Nicolaus  Lenau^  to  America  is  an  episode  in  the  history  of 
the  influence  of  America  upon  European  thought  of  the  very 
greatest  importance.  That  a  man  and  a  poet  of  such  eminence 
should,  on  the  eve  ^  of  his  success,  be  willing  to  risk  the  dangers 
and  hardships  of  a  voyage  to  the  United  States  seems  at  first 
sight  incomprehensible.  And  when  it  is  considered  how  this 
country  was  regarded  at  that  time,  the  undertaking  seems  all 
the  more  strange.  America  was  the  representative  of  everything^ 
that  was  crude  and  commercial,  as  opposed  to  what  was  artistic 
and  intellectual.  The  most  impossible  stories  about  its  savagery , 
and  lack  of  civilization  were  believed  in  Europe.^  -■ 

Lenau,  therefore,  in  leaving  his  home  gave  up,  or  certainly 
supposed  he  was  giving  up  altogether,  the  society  of  educated 
people  for  the  hardships,  both  physical  and  mental,  of  a  pioneer's 
life.  Add  to  this  also  the  opposition  of  his  friends  and  the 
dangers  of  the  voyage,  and  it  is  at  once  apparent  that  the  plan 
was  one  of  considerable  magnitude. 

Voyages  of  this  kind  were  then,  of  course,  very  unusual.  The 
journeys  of  von  Humboldt  and  Chamisso  were  events  of  national 
interest,  and  they  undoubtedly  gave  a  great  stimulus  to  travel, 
besides  being  important  as  broadening  the  horizon  of  the  German 
mind.     Lenau,  in  one  of  his  letters,  written  at  the  time  of  the 


^  Lenau's  name  in  full  was  Nicolaus  Franz  Niembsch,  Edler  von  Strehlenau. 
The  name  Lenau  (Streh-lenau)  was  assumed  in  1830  as  a  nom  de  plume  on 
account  of  the  severe  Austrian  press  regulations. 

*  Cf.  Frankl,  Zur  Biographic  Nikolaus  Lenau's.  Wien  1885.  Zweite  Aus- 
gabe,  p.  34. 

'  Cf.  Chamisso's  Werke.  Berlin  1856.  Reise  um  die  Welt mitder  Romanzoff- 
ischen  Entdeckungs-Expedition,  in  den  Jahren  18 15-18 18,  ati/der  Brigg  Rurik,, 
Kapitan  Otto  von  Kotzebue. 


4  Nicolaus  Lenau's  American  Journey. 

origin  of  his  intention  of  coming  to  America,  speaks  of  Chamisso^ 
and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  very  inception  of  his  idea  may 
have  been  influenced  by  this  voyage  round  the  worid.^ 

But  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  journey  was  a  dangerous 
and  unusual  one,  and  that  America  appeared  to  the  Europeans 
uncultured  and  barbarous,  yet  because  of  this  very  crudity  and 
primitiveness  it  possessed,  when  viewed  at  a  distance,  many 
qualities  which  strongly  appealed  to  the  poet's  imagination.  In 
fact  Lenau,  because  of  his  education  and  environment,  was 
peculiarly  predisposed  to  an  undertaking  of  this  sort. 

The  removal  of  his  mother  with  her  family  to  Tokay,  which 
occurred  when  he  was  fourteen  years  old,  was  an  event  of  the 
greatest  importance  for  his  future  life.  It  is  also  to  be  considered 
in  connection  with  the  American  journey,  for  at  this  time  he 
acquired  that  love  of  nature  '^  which  is  the  most  significant  char- 
acteristic of  his  poetry.  He  became  accustomed  to  and  fond  of 
a  kind  of  nature  that  was  unusual  and  in  a  certain  sense  exotic. 
The  tame  scenery  of  the  Rhinelands  and  Swabia,  which  later 
became  so  familiar  to  him,  with  its  regular  and  well-ordered 
prospects,  did  not  satisfy  him.  He  craved  something  more 
rugged,  more  uncultivated,  and  this  he  thought  would  be  found 
in  America. 

The  vastness  of  the  Hungarian  steppes  also  made  a  deep 
impression  upon  his  youthful  mind ;  an  impression  that  was 
lasting,  and  hence  the  idea  of  the  Western  Continent,  as  the  land 
of  great  distances  and  broad  prairies,  appealed  to  him  strongly. 

In  Lenau's  personality  there  was  also  a  great  deal  that  was 
primitive  and  in  some  respects  almost  savage.    He  was  extremely 

'  Cf.  Article  by  Alfred  Biese  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  vergleichende  Literatur- 
geschichte.  Bd.  i  1887.  "Die  asthetische  Natur-Beseelung  in  antiker  und 
moderner  Poesie." 

^  Letter  to  Sophie  Lbwenthal.  Stuttgart,  June  6,  1840.  Lenau's  Leben  von 
Anton  Schurz.  Stuttgart  und  Augsburg,  J855.  Bd.  2  25.  "Aber  auch  in 
Baden  werde  ich  nicht  lange  bleiben,  sondern  in  unsere  Alpen  hmeinziehen. 
Vielleicht  dasz  ich  dann  im  Spatherbst  nach  Stuttgart  und  von  da  nach  Paris 
reise.  Eine  Cigarre  im  Mund  und  einen  Plan  im  Kopfe  musz  ich  fast  immer 
haben." 


T.  S.  Baker.  5 

passionate,  intense    and   vacillating.     His    admiration    for   the 
exhibition  of  the  elemental  passions  is  mentioned  in  many  places. 

Frankl  reports  the  following  speech,  page  83.     Speaking  ofN. 
the  Hungarians,  Lenau  says : — "  Da  sind    noch  in  Geschichte      | 
wie  in  der  Gegenwart,  selbstbeinimge  Gestalten,  Urkerle,  wild      I 
gut  und  doch  das  Blut  nicht  zu  vergiessen  scheu,  wenn  es  im     / 
Herzen  eines  Feindes  fiieszt."    And  again,  page  58  : — "vielmehr/ 
mochte  ich  so  urwiichsig,  so  feurig  und  so  naiv,  so  huszaren- 
tapfer  wie  sie  sein,"  etc. 

This  was  the  kind  of  life  that  Lenau  loved,  and  on  his 
removal  from  Hungary  he  was  never  satisfied  until  he  had  made 
up  his  mind  to  see  some  other  form  of  primitiveness. 

He  had  also  inherited  from  his  parents  a  certain  restlessness 
and  instability,  which  made  it  practically  necessary  for  him  to 
be  continually  travelling.  This  necessity  of  being  in  motion 
is  shown  later,  after  returning  from  America,  by  the  frequent 
trips  from  Vienna  to  Swabia  and  back  again.  One  must,  he 
says,  always  have  "  Eine  Cigarre  im  Mund  und  einen  Plan  im 
Kopfe."  ^ 

A  point  of  view  now  presents  itself  for  the  study  of  the  com- 
plex reasons  which  induced  Lenau  to  undertake  this  strange 
journey.  His  interest  in  America  was  almost  entirely  poetic. 
He  fully  recognized  that  he  was  giving  up  the  society  of  culti-  \ 
vated  people,  but  this  had  no  terrors  for  him.  He  was  interested 
/ in.an  ideal  America,  the  product  of  his  wonderful  imagination, 
which  shed  about  the  whole  undertaking  a  certain  poetic  halo. 
The  America  of  Lenau  was  the  land  of  enormous  "  Urwalder," 
traversed  here  and  there  by  mighty  rivers,  the  stillness  broken 
by  thundering  cataracts.  As  for  inhabitants,  the  stately  red 
man  still  traversed  the  forests,  which  had  stood  unchanged  for 


^  LeUer  to  Sophie  von  Lowenthal.  Stuttgart,  June  6th,  1840.  Lenau's  Leben 
von  Anton  Schurz.  Stuttgart  und  Augsburg,  1855.  Bd.  2,  5.25  "Aber  auch  in 
Boden  werde  ich  nicht  lange  bleiben,  sondern  in  unsere  Alpen  hineinziehenr 
Vielleicht  dasz  ich  dann  in  Spatherbst  nach  Stuttgart  und  von  dsp  ach  Paris 
reise.  Eine  Cigarre  im  Mund  und  einen  Plan  im  Kopfe  musz  icn  fast  imme. 
haben." 


6  Nicolaus  Lenati's  American  Journey. 

ages.     He  hoped  here  to  find  new  materials  for  poetic  treatment. 
America  he  deemed  necessary  for  his  artistic  development. 

This  feeling  finds  expression  in  a  very  interesting  manner  in 
the  following  extract  from  one  of  his  letters  :  ^ — "  Ich  will  meine 
Phantasie  in  die  Schule,  in  die  nord-amerikanischen  Urwalder 
schicken,  den  Niagara  will  ich  rauschen  horen  und  Niagaralieder 
singen.  Das  gehort  notwendig  zu  meiner  Ausbildung.  Meine 
Poesie  lebt  und  webt  in  der  Natur,  und  in  Amerika  ist  di^^-^ 
Natur  schoner,  gewaltiger  als  in  Europa.  Ein  ungeheuer  Vor- 
rath  der  herrlichsten  Bilder  erwartet  mich  dort,  eine  Fiille 
gottlicher  Auftritte,  die  noch  daleigt  jungfraulich  und  unbe- 
riihrt,  wie  der  Boden  der  Urwalder."  And  in  another  letter* 
written  at  this  time,  he  says : — "  Der  ungeheuere  Vorrath  schoner 
Naturscenen  ist  in  fiinf  Jahren  kaum  erschopft  ...  Dort  will 
ich  meine  Phantasie  in  die  Schule,  die  Gewalder  schicken  .  .  • 
kiinstlerische  Ausbildung  ist  mein  hochster  Lebenszweck,  alle 
Krafte  meines  Geistes,  das  Gliick  meines  Gemiithes  betracht'  ich 
als  Mittel  dazu." 

Thus,  America  appeared  to  him  a  vast  repository  of  poetical 
subjects.  Few  had  worked  this  field,  and  it  is  barely  possible 
the  great  success  of  Chateaubriand's  American  novels  may  have 
been  present  in  his  mind. 

In  Lenau's  poetry  there  is  ever  noticeable  a  longing  for  rest, 
for  seclusion  and  solitude^ — perhaps  alone,  perhaps  with  his 
loved  one.  There  is  a  desire  to  get  "  close  to  nature."  This 
same  state  of  mind  is  apparent  also  in  his  preparation  for  the 
journey.  There  was  an  undefined  feeling  that  everything  would 
be  blissful  and  perfect  in  the  midst  of  the  idyllic  surroundings 
which  his  fancy  had  pictured. 

Even  American  political  life  was  young  and  therefore  in  the 

*  Letter  of  Lenau  to  Schurz,  Heidelberg,  March  i6,  1832.  Schurz,  Leben,  I, 
p.  161. 

^  Mayer,  p,  61. 

*  Cf.  Nicolaus  Lenau.  Errinnerung  und  Betrachtung,  von  Berthold  Auerbach 
Wien  1876,  p.  21  "Dennoch  erkannte  man  auch  im  Gesprache,  dasz  Lenau  eine 
einsame,  in  sich  gekehrte  Natur  war.  '  Einsamkeit  ist  die  zweite  Mutter  Gottes/ 
spricht  er  in  seinen  Briefen  aus." 


qA     ^ 


T.   S.  Baker. 

eyes  of  the  European  picturesque.^  The  United  States  as  a 
political  state  was  not  yet  fifty  years  old.  The  circumstances 
of  its  foundation  were  ideal  and  its  preservation  and  growth 
almost  providential. 

During  the  latter  part  of  his  course  at  the  Gymnasium  in 
Pesth,^  Lenau  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  student  named  Joseph 
von  Kovesdy,  who  although  several  years  his  senior  became  his 
fast  friend  and  later  his  tutor.  This  young  Kovesdy  had  a  short 
time  before,  when  only  thirteen  years  old,  together  with  another 
boy  formed  a  plan  of  running  away  to  America.  They  started 
on  their  journey  and  got  as  far  as  Salzburg.  There,  however, 
they  were  compelled  to  abandon  their  undertaking  and  return 
in  disgrace  to  Pesth.  This  adventure  of  Kovesdy  when  it  was 
told  later  to  lycnau  produced  a  deep  impression,  and  from  this 
time  may  be  dated  his  interest  in  the  United  States. 

As  a  student,  in  discussing  his  plans  for  the  future,  he 
expresses^  his  willingness  to  run  the  risk  of  becoming  a 
"  Choleraarzt,"  provided  he  could  thereby  gain  an  opportunity 
of  seeing  France  and  England.  Nothing  came  of  this  scheme 
because  he  never  "  ended  his  course."  His  desire  for  travel  and 
for  making  the  American  journey  could  never  have  been  grati- 
fied had  he  not  fallen  heir  to  a  small  fortune. 

Lenau's  grandmother  "  Katharina  von  Niembsch  "  had  died  in 

^  Note  also  Byrons  interest  in  the  Greek  struggle  for  independence.  Cf. 
Auerbach,  p.  27  :  "Lenau,  der  auf  das  Moderne  gerichtete  Dichter,  sehnt  sich 
nicht  nach  der  vergangenen  schonen  Gotterwelt,  sein  Verlangen  zieht  ihn  schon 
friih  in  die  als  Zukunftsverheiszung  erscheinende  neue  Welt,  nach  Amerika. 
Byron  schiffte  nach  Griechenland  und  trat  in  eine  weltgeschichtlich  erscheinende 
That  ein.  Lenau  betrat  das  Land  der  Verheiszung,  und  die  Calturarbeit  gab 
ihm  keine  Handhabe.  Byron  trat  in  eine  gehobene  Gesammtstimmung  ein  in 
Greichenland,  Lenau  kam  in  Amerika  in  den  groszen  Werkeltag  mit  den  zahl- 
losen  brausenden  Maschinen,  oder  in  die  lautlose  Stille  des  Urwalds." 

'  Lenau  was  at  the  Gymnasium  in  Pesth  from  1812  to  181 5.  Cf.  Schurz  I, 
p.  17. 

'  Lenau's  letter  to  Schurz,  Heidelberg,  Nov.  8,  1831.  Schurz  I,  p.  126. 
"Was  ich  nach  Beendigung  meines  Curses  thun  werde,  wissen  die  Gotter. 
Vielleicht  findet  sich  dann  eine  Aussicht  als  Choleraarzt  nach  Frankreich, 
nach  England  zu  reisen.  Ich  wiirde  so  etwas  annehmen,  um  recht  in  der  Welt 
herumzufahren. " 


8  Nicolaus  Lenati's  American  Journey. 

September,  1830,  and  had  left  her  estate  to  Lenau  and  his  sisters.* 
This  money  enabled  him  to  leave  Austria,  where  the  regulations 
of  the  censorship  prevented  him  from  publishing  his  poems, 
and  to  seek  a  publisher  elsewhere. 

He  at  once  broke  ofif  his  medical  studies  at  Vienna  and 
hastened  ^  to  Stuttgart  with  letters  to  several  of  the  members  of 
the  Swabian  School  of  poets,  having,  however,  promised  his 
friends  and  relatives  in  Vienna  that  he  would  continue  his 
studies  at  Heidelbergf  or  Wiirzbure. 

Along  with  this  plan  of  coming  to  Stuttgart  to  secure  a 
publisher,  there  was  already  present  in  his  mind  the  idea  of 
emigrating  to  America.  This  desire  was  quickened  by  the 
recent  loss  of  a  considerable  part  of  the  newly  acquired  inheri- 
tance by  unfortunate  speculation.  He  thought  of  making  one^ 
more  attempt  to  become  rich,  by  investing  his  remaining  fund$ 
in  American  land. 

The  plan,  however,  was  still  quite  undefined.  His  stay  in 
Heidelberg  during  the  winter  of  1831  and  1832  was  interrupted 
by  visits  to  his  several  friends — to  Mayer  in  Waiblingen,  to 
Kerner  in  Weinsberg,  to  Uhland  in  Tiibingen  and  to  the  Rein- 
becks,  Schwab  and  others  in  Stuttgart.  But  in  spite  of  the 
pleasure  derived  from  these  visits  he  became  dissatisfied  soon 
after  arriving  in  Heidelberg. 

The  clinic  at  the  university  offered  few  interesting  cases 
and  his  relations  to  I^otta  Gmelin  now  begin  to  cause  him  a 
great  deal  of  unhappiness.  He  seems  to  have  been  really  in 
love  with  her,  but  he  had  found  ^  so  little  happiness  himself  that 
he  was  afraid  he  could  bring  none  to  another.  Furthermore  his 
position  was  so  unsettled  that  his  income  was  not  sufficient  to 
support  a  wife.  His  frame  of  mind  became  gloomier  and 
gloomier.  It  is  therefore  not  at  all  surprising  that  the  dormant 
interest  in  America  was  re-awakened. 

The  first  clear  intimation  of  Lenau's  intention  of  coming  to 


'  Lenau's  grand-mother  left  the  sum  of  30,000  florins. 

*  Lenau  left  Vienna  near  the  end  of  June,  1831. 

'  Letter  to  Schurz,  November  8,  1831.     Schurz  I,  p.  28. 


T.  S.  Baker.  9 

America  is  found  in  Kernel's  letter^  to  Mayer  of  the  nth  of     | 
March,   1832.       "  Niembsch   ist   von    Amerika   ganz  besessen,     / 
schrieb  sich  in  Actiengesellschaft  ein  und  schifFt  am  ersten  Mai     / 
dahin.     Er  laszt  sich  nicht  einreden,  denn  seine  ganz  damon-    / 
ische  Phantasie  malt  ihm  die  Dinge  vor,  die  ganz  nach  seinen  / 
Wiinschen  sind.     This  "  Actiengesellschaft "  was  the  "  Ulmer  / 
Veirein  f uf"A.us wanderer. ' '  ' 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1832  a  great  activity  manifested 
itself  among  the  shipping  agents  of  the  various  ports,  especially 
those  of  Amsterdam.  Representatives  of  these  agents  scoured 
the  country  for  the  purpose  of  securing  human  freight  for  their 
vessels.  They  were  always  gorgeously  dressed,  wore  great  quanti- 
ties of  jewelry,  and  gave  the  most  glowing  accounts  of  the  riches 
which  were  to  be  had  in  America  almost  for  the  asking.^  The 
political  disturbances  in  Germany  had  produced  a  widespread 
feeling  of  discontent,^  so  that  the  appearance  of  these  agents 
with  their  lavish  promises  was  sufficient  to  produce  considerable 
enthusiasm  for  emigration.  Societies  *  were  formed,  especially 
in  the  countries  along  the  Rhine,  for  emigrating  en  masse  to  the 
United  States.  The  agitation  spread  among  all  classes,  the 
peasants,  however,  being  the  ones  most  interested.  Lenau  heard 
of  it  and  his  mind  was  made  up  immediately  to  become  a  mem- 
ber of  the  "  Ulmer  Verein." 

Did  political  questions  have  any  weight  in  inducing  him  to 
take  this  step?     Unquestionably  America   represented   to  the 

'  Lenau's  Briefe  an  einen  Freund,  hrsg.  von  Karl  Mayer.     Stuttgart,  1853, 
p.  58. 

^  Cf.  EickhofF.     In  der  neuen  Heimat,  p.  5. 

'  Cf.  Niles  Register,  vol.  vii,  4th  series,  September,  1832,  to  February,  1833, 
p.  196.  ^'^  Germany. — Because  of  late  proceedings  against  the  rights  of  the  people 
in  Germany,  large  numbers  are  preparing  to  seek  peace  and  safety  in  other 
lands.  The  general  attention  is  turned  towards  the  United  States  and  a  very 
large  and  useful  increase  may  be  expected  in  our  population  in  the  ensuing  year 
— if  nothing  shall  happen  among  ourselves  to  forbid  a  hope  of  enjoying  those  ^ 
blessings  which  the  oppressed  desire  to  enjoy." 

*One  of  the  most  famous  of  these  was  the  so-called  Giessener  Gesellschaft, 
of  which  Paul  Follen  and  Friederich  Miinch  were  members.  It  left  Giessen  in 
two  sections — the  first  division  under  Follen  left  Giessen  February,  1834.  The 
-second  under  Miinch,  April,  1834.     Cf.  Der  Deutsche  Plonier,  I,  89. 


lo  Nicolaus  Lenau's  American  Journey. 

minds  of  Europeans  the  idea  of  ge^onal  freedom,  which  was 
rarely  found  at  home,  and  in  Lenau's  poems  ^  we  find  frequent 
references  to  the  United  States  as  the  land  of  liberty.  But,  as 
has  been  said  above,  the  interest  of  Lenau  in  America  was  poetic, 
and  in  so  far  as  American  freedom  was  poetic,  just  so  far  was 
this  a  motive  for  his  voyage.  Upon  announcing  his  intention 
of  coming  to  America  he  was  met  by  the  very  decided  opposition 
of  his  friends  ^  in  Swabia,  who  looked  upon  the  whole  project 
as  one  of  his  whims.  This  opposition,  however,  soon  lessened 
when  it  was  found  out  that  he  was  in  earnest  and  determined  to 
go  in  spite  of  all  discouragement.  Kerner  becomes  less  out- 
spoken in  his  objection,  and  finally  in  a  letter  to  Mayer  {Mayer 
p.  63)  he  has  the  following  very  significant  passage :  "Ich  kann 
gegen  Niembsch's  Entschlusz  nichts  sagen,  da  ich  bei  gleicher 
Kraft,  Phantasie,  Lage  vielleicht  das  Gleiche  thun  wiirde,  aber 


^  Deutsche  National  Literatur  edition  of  Lenau's  Werke,  hrsg.  von  Max  Koch, 
vol.  i,  p.  117 — "Der  Maskenball." 

"  Nach  den  Freiheit  Paradiesen 
Nehmen  wir  den  raschen  Zug, 
Wo  in  heil'gen  Waldverheszen, 
Kein  Tryann  sich  Throne  schlug." 
Cf.  Abschiedlied  eines  auswandernden  Portugiesen,  p.  95 
"  Du  neue  Welt,  du  freie  Welt, 
An  deren  bliitenreichen  Strand 
Die  Flut  der  Tj'rannei  zerschellt, 
Ich  griisze  dich,  mein  Vaterland  !  " 
*Cf.  letter  of  Kerner  to  Mayer,  March  11,  1832.    Also  the  following  reference 
from  Ludwig  Uhland,  Seine  Freunde  und  Zeitgenossen;  Erinnerungen  von  Karl 
Mayer,  Stuttgart,  1867,  vol.  ii,  p.  121  :  "Andre  Kerner'sche  Briefe  dieser  Zeit 
habe  ich  bereits  in  '  Lenau's  Briefe  an  einen  Freund '  mitgetheilt.     Niembsch 
betrieb  damals  schon  seine  spater  ausgefiihrte  Reise  nach  Nordamerika  und 
versetzte  dadurch  Kerner  und  mich  in  vielfache  Aufregung.     Sein  besonderer 
Gemiithszustand  machte  uns  nicht  ohne  Grund  besorgt,  welchem  Geschicke  er 
dort  entgegengehen  werde.     Ich  schrieb  dariiber  und  namentlich  iiber  einen 
Brief  Lenau's  vom  13  Marz  1832  in  triiber  Stimmung  an  Uhland  den  18  Marz 
1832." 

Lenau's  sister  was  also  very  much  opposed  to  this  journey.  Cf.  letter  to  him 
Wien,  March  26,  1832,    Schurz  vol.  i,  p.  164. 

"  Meinen  Schmerz  fiber  deine  Reise  kann  ich  dir  nicht  schildem.  .  .  .  Die 
Natur  musz  wohl  groszparadiesisch  in  jenem  Lande  sein  ;  wenn  aber  die  Mens- 
chen  so  waren,  wie  mein  Anton  glaubt !  .  .  .  Wenn  du  mich  liebst,  mein  Bruder, 
so  gehe  dorthin  nicht ! "  etc. 


T.  S.  Baker.  ir 

ich  liebe  ilm  zu  sehr,  dasz  es  mir  dadurch  nicht  Angst  und 
bange  werden  sollte,  und  so  wird  es  Dir  auch  gehen  .... 
Allerdings  musz  man  zu  seiner  Reise  nun  das  Beste  sagen  und 
wer  weisz,  ob  ich  nicht  auf  das  nachste  Friihjahr  audi  dahin 
abgehen  werde.  Die  Kinder  und  das  Rikele  treiben  sehr  an) 
mir." 

His  5,000  florins  were  invested  in  the  "  Ulmer  Verein  "  and 
Lenau  was  determined  to  go  in  spite  of  all  opposition.  In 
return  for  this  sum  he  was  promised  a  tract  of  land  in  Missouri 
consistingTjf' ^  thousand  acres.  Missouri  at  this  time  had  been 
brought  before  the  German  public  in  a  very  attractive  way  by 
the  publication  of  Gottfried  Duden's  book,  Bericht  uber  eine 
Reise  nach  den  westhchen  Staaten  Nord-Amerika's^  etc.  It 
obtained  a  wide  European  circulation  and  was  instrumental  in 
attracting  public  attention  to  a  part  of  America  about  which  up 
to  that  time  but  little  had  been  known.  Lenau  was  familiar 
with  this  work  and  mentioned  it  in  one  of  his  letters.^ 

The  number  of  persons  who  were  to  be  in  the  party  is  spoken 
of  in  different  places  as  being,  80,  100  and  200.  He  had  invited 
a  young  friend  from  Warsaw,  Johann  Matuschinski,^  who  was 
also  a  visitor  at  Kerner's  house,  to  accompany  him.  Lenau 
offered  to  pay  all  expenses,  but  before  leaving  he  found  it  would 
be  too  expensive,  so  Matuschinkski  went  to  Tiibingen  to  com- 
plete his  medical  studies.  The  other  members  of  the  company 
were  Swabian"  peasants,  ^  who  were  emigrating  in  the  hope  of 


1  Letter  to  Schurz,  Heidelberg,  March  16,  1832.  (Schurz,  I,  p.  163).  "Wenn 
Ihr  mich  aber  in  Gedanken  begleiten  woUt,  so  leset  die  Beschreibung  von  Nord- 
Amerika,  die  kiirzlich  ein  gewisser  Duden  herausgegeben  hat." 

'^  Matuschinski  was  a  Polish  refugee  whom  Kerner  had  taken  into  his  house. 
Lenau  speaks  of  him  as  follows :  (Schurz,  I,  p.  167).  "  Ich  habe  einen  sehr 
lieben  Freund  zum  Reisegefahrten,  einen  polnischen  Stabsarzt,  durchaus  gebildet 
und  sehr  liebenswiirdig  ;  .  .  .  er  ist  Virtues  auf  der  Flote  und  sehr  empfanglich 
fiir  Poesie,  hat  auch  einen  richtigen  Geschmack."  There  seems  to  be  consider- 
able variation  in  the  way  the  name  is  spelt.  Schurz  has  it  Mattusinsky,  Matu- 
schinski and  Matuszynski. 

^Cf.  Auerbach,  p.  16— "Ich  hatte  viel  Erquickung  von  der  Art,  wie  Lenau 
das  schwabische  Bauernleben  erfaszt  hatte.  Er  kannte  es  genau,  war  er  in 
Gemeinschaft  mit  schwabischen  Bauern  nach  Amerika  ausgewandert." 


12  Nicolaus  Lenau's  A7nerica7i  Journey. 

bettering  their  fortunes.  The  poet  was  doubtless  the  only 
educated  person  among  them. 

Already  by  the  first  of  April,  fraud  had  been  discovered  in  the 
"  Auswanderungsverein,"  and  Lenau  gave  up  his  shares  and 
speaks  of  choosing  Florida  as  his  destination  instead  of  Missouri.^ 
His  interest,  however,  in  America  does  not  decrease. 

During  all  this  time  the  greatest  enthusiasm  was  displayed 
at  the  preparations  that  were  being  made.^  Kerner  is  asked  ^  to 
make  an  examination  of  the  medicine  chest  of  the  colony,  which 
had  been  given  over  to  his  keeping.  To  the  question  of  fire- 
arms *  a  great  deal  of  attention  was  also  given. 

In  the  first  letters  containing  references  to  America,  Lenau 
speaks  of  remaining  five  years,  but  soon  the  trouble  he  is  having 
with  the  managers  of  the  emigration  society  cools  his  ardor 
considerably  and  he  hints  at  returning  in  a  few  months.  He 
I  now  says  :  "  Ich  will  mich  etwa  zwei  Monate  dort  aufhalten  und 
'  dann  unendlich  bereichert  zuriickkehren  in  mein  geliebtes 
Oesterreich,'^  and  in  another'  Tetter  *  he  speaks  of  returning  the 
following '"Autumn.  This  desire  to  hasten  back  was  quickened 
also  by  a  law  made  in  Austria  which  decreed  that  any  Austrian 
citizen  remaining  long  absent  from  home  should  forfeit  his 
citizenship. 


'  Lenau  to  Kerner  Stuttgart,  April  i,  1832.  Schurz  vol.  I,  p.  165 — "Du,  lieber 
Bruder,  mit  der  Actiengesellschaft  stinkt  as,  ist  allerlei  Gesindel  dabei.  .  .  .  Ich 
ziehe  mich  zuriick  von  den  Actien.  Sage  meinem  Mattusinsky,  wir  werden 
nach  Florida  gehen  auf  eigne  Faust." 

"Mayer  says,  p,  65:  "  Diesz  zeigte  die  Masse  von  Vorrathen  (ich  erinnere 
mich  z.  b,  einer  Anzahl  Ziindhiitchen),  die  er  fiir  sein  amerikanisches  Leben 
einkaufte,  und  womit  er  gleichfalls,  wie  mit  der  Unternehmung  im  Groszen, 
nicht  unbedeutend  in  Schaden  gekommen  sein  wird."  .  .  .  Letter  of  Kerner  to 
Schurz,  October  24,  1850.  Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  189 — "In  meinem  Gartenhause 
wohnend,  bereitete  sich  Niembsch  zu  seiner  Reise  nach  Amerika  vor,  machte 
Einkaufe  von  Weisz-zeug,  Stiefeln,  Waffen,  und  freute  sich  gar  sehr  auf  die 
"Urwalder,"  um  dort  Opposums,  ein  Thier,  das  sich  tot  stellt  sobald  man  ihm 
auf  den  Hals  kommt,  zu  fangen." 

'  Letter  of  Lenau  to  Kerner,  Stuttgart,  May  4.     Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  168. 

*Mattusinski  writes  to  Lenau  on  May  6th  :  "Jetzt  haben  wir  zwei  Doppelflin- 
ten,  eine  einfache  und  drei  Paar  Pistolen ;  mit  denen  kann  man  sich  schon  in 
ein  Urwaldchen  wagen." 

*  Lenau  to  Schurz,  Stuttgart,  May  19th.     Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  175. 


T.  S.  Baker.  13 

In  a  letter  written  May  19th  to  Schurz,  Lenau  says  lie  expects 
to  start  on  his  journey  in  three  days,  but  the  company  was 
detained,  and  again  in  a  letter  ^  to  Mayer  he  announces  that  he 
will  leave  Heidelberg  on  the  12th  of  June.  It  is  probable  that 
there  was  another  delay  of  a  few  days  in  Heidelberg,  but  in  a 
letter^  dated  June  23rd,  written  to  Kerner  from  Mannheim,  he 
says  that  he  will  embark  on  the  25th  on  the  boat  which  is  to 
convey  the  party  down  the  Rhine  to  Amsterdam.  He  was 
apparently  again  delayed  a  few  days,  but  it  is  known  from  a 
letter  to  Emilie  Reinbeck  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  Amsterdam 
on  the  2nd  of  July. 

The  boat  in  which  the  journey  down  the  Rhine  was  made 
moved  very  slowly,  and  the  delays,  together  with  the  bad  food 
and  unsatisfactory  sleeping  accommodations,  provoked  consider- 
able discontent,  so  that  when  the  two  managers  of  the  expedi- 
tion, who  had  waited  behind,  came  up  with  the  party  in  the 
latter  part  of  July,  a  great  storm  broke  over  their  heads.  Their 
appearance  was  indeed  the  sigoial  for  a  general  revolt.  The 
culprits  were  seized  and  imprisoned  until  a  kind  of  court  could 
be  improvised.  Ivcnau,  being  the  best  educated  member  of  the 
party,  was  chosen  judge.  The  prisoners  were  brought  before  the 
court.  Testimony  was  heard  on  both  sides,  and  after  reviewing 
the  case  the  judge  sentenced  them  to  close  confinement  in  the 
hold  of  the  boat. 

This  was  not,  however,  the  end  of  the  episode.  Upon  their  fLji_c-f^ 
arrival  in  Holland  the  prisoners,  in  some  way,  succeeded  in 
getting  word  to  the  authorities  informing  them  of  their  arrest, 
but  when  the  improvised  judge  appeared  in  court  the  managers 
were  shown  to  have  acted  so  badly  that  no  further  action  was 
taken.^ 


^  Mayer,  p.  82. 
^Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  181. 

ri^The  deception  that  was  practised  upon  the  company  of  emigrants  of  which 
Lenau  was  a  member  was  only  one  of  a  long  series  of  outrages.  From  the 
very  beginning  of  the  emigration  to  America,  most  horrible  accounts  are  given 
of  the  sufferings  which  the  travellers  had  to  undergo.  The  poor  peasant, 
oppressed  and  almost  starving,  was  led  to  suppose  by  the  impressive  looking 


Of  rst      ^^^ 


1 1 


14  Nicolaus  Lenau's  American  Journey. 

Another  incident  occurred  on  the  border  between  Holland  and 
Germany,  at  a  town  called  Lobith,  which  very  nearly  terminated 
his  journey.  Owing  to  the  numerous  delays,  his  passport  had 
expired,  so  that  when  he  presented  it  at  the  frontier  he  was  not 
permitted  to  proceed.  The  Burgomaster,  in  fact,  threatened  to 
send  him  back.  Fortunately,  however,  he  had  attracted  the 
notice  of  a  custom  official  by  his  wonderful  violin  playing.^  The 
following  passage  from  a  letter  describes  the  adventure  very 
happily : — "  Zum  Gliicke  traf  icli  in  dem  kleinen  Neste  (Lobith) 
einen  enthusiastischen  Musiker  in  der  Person  eines  Zollbeamten. 
Dieser  {i.  <?.,  the  "  Zollbeamte  ")  abgeschnitten  von  jeder  musikal- 
ischen  Seele  in  seinem  miserablen  hollandischen  Flecken, 
schnappte  nach  mir  wie  nach  einem  Leckerbissen.  Ich  muszte 
mich  schon  bequemen,  die  scheuszlichsten  Duetten  fiir  Violine 
und  Clarinette  mit  dem  Kerl  taglich  mehre  Sturden  durchzuhum- 
peln,  dafiir  empfahl  er  mich  dem  Biirgermeister.  Es  wurde  eine 
musikalische  Abendunterhaltung  gegeben,  wobei  seine  biirger- 
meisterliche  Gnade  zugegen  and  iiber  meine  Passagen  auf  der 
Geige  dermaszen  entziickt  zu  sein  beliebten,  dasz  sie  mir  die 
Passage  iiber  die  Grenze  durch  die  Finger  sahen,"  etc. 

The  journey  down  the  Rhine  was  in  the  main  disappointing 
to  the  traveller.  The  difficulties  with  the  managers,  the  serious 
discomforts  of  the  boat,  the  expired  passport  all  contributed  to 
make  the  beginning  of  his  journey  inauspicious.  Before  leaving 
Mainz,  in  a  letter  to  Kerner  he  says :  "  Ware  ich  schon  wieder 
zuriick  aus  Amerika."^     He  had  a  foreboding  that  his  under- 


agents  who  were  scouring  the  country,  that  on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean,  happi- 
ness and  riches  were  attainable  to  every  one.  Eickhoff  says,  p.  5  :  "Sie  alle 
warben  auf  dem  deutschen  Markte  um  Menschen,  um  lebendige  Fracht."  It 
was  at  first  quite  unusual  that  the  emigrant  should  prepay  his  fate.  The  agents 
offered  not  only  to  transport  them  free,  but  even  if  necessary  to  advance  money 
enough  for  clothes  and  necessities.  But  upon  their  arrival  in  America  the  hap- 
less travellers  were  farmed  out  until  they  had  earned  enough  to  repay  ever>-- 
thing,  frequently,  in  fact,  until  they  had  paid  for  all  expenditures  which  had 
been  made  upon  them  several  times. 

1  Lenau  was  a  remarkably  good  violinist  and  is  said  to  have  been  particularly 
fond  of  Beethoven  and  the  Hungarian  folksongs. 

*  Mannheim,  June  23.    Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  i8i. 


T.  S.  Baker.  15 

taking  would  prove  a  failure  but  seems  to  have  been  drawn  on 
by  a  sort  of  demonic  influence — what  he  called  "  eine  Gravita- 
tion nach  dem  Ungliick."  ^ 

Lenau  could  have  obtained  a  position  as  Doctor  Legens  at 
Tiibingen  had  he  been  willing  to  go  through  the  form  of  getting 
his  diploma  as  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  which  in  his  case  would 
have  been  a  mere  formality.^  But  even  this  was  not  sufficient 
to  prevent  him  from  going.  Death  itself^  he  said  would  not 
have  deterred  him  from  setting  out. 

The  scenery  along  the  banks  of  the  Rhine  he  found  attractive/ 
but  he  rebelled  against  the  thrift  of  the  people,  which  made 
them  cultivate  every  inch  of  the  soil.  Nor  did  his  impression 
of  Holland  ^  dispel  the  disappointment  which  the  Rhine  journey 
had  produced.  He  had  looked  forward  to  the  life  in  Amsterdam 
with  great  interest.  The  city  interested  him — especially  in  its 
character  as  seaport :  "  Ich  will  dort  in  den  Matrosenkneipen 
herumschleichen  und  einige  Studien  machen  in  der  Menschen- 
kenntnisz."  But  once  arrived  in  the  city  he  finds  it  "ein  wahres 
Ungeheuer  von  Stadt."  The  windmills,  which  remind  him  of 
drunken  men  beating  the  air,  are  sufficient  to  drive  him  out  of 
the  city.  The  galleries  interested  him  most  of  all,  especially 
the  paintings  of  Ruysdael,  Nikalaus  Berchen  and  Correggio. 
The  women  and  cows  are  classed  together  and  both  found  to  be 
fine,  but  the  general  impression  of  Holland  upon  him  was  disap- 
pointing. Still  he  looks  forward  with  interest  and  even  enthusi- 
asm to  the  real  journey  he  is  about  to  begin. 

The  New  World  fixes  his  imagination  again  as  the  land  of 
wealth,  and  he  pictures  himself  upon  his  return,  a  capitalist 
with  large  interests  living  upon  the  wealth  which  will  come 
from  his  new  investments.  He  will  now  remain  only  long 
enough  to  make  his  purchases, — i.  ^.,  from  three  to  eight  weeks. 


*  Mayer,  p.  68 — "  Wiiszt'  ich  auch  ganz  gevvisz,  dasz  ich  umkommen  werde, 
ich  glaube,  ich  reiste  doch.  Mich  regiert  eine  Art  Gravitation  nach  dem  Un- 
gliick."    (Lenau  to  Mayer  no  date). 

^  Letter  to  Schurz,  Amsterdam,  July  27.     Schurz,  I,  187. 

*  Lenau  to  Emilie  Reinbeck,  Amsterdam,  July  25,  1832.     Schurz,  I,  184. 
*Cf.  Lenau's  poem  "Am  Rhein." 

*Cf,  Lenau's  poem  "Auf  eine  HoUandische  Landschaft." 


1 6  Nicolaus  Le7iau''s  American  Journey. 

The  poetic  interest  with  which  America  had  inspired  him 
seems  by  this  time  to  have  become  somewhat  lessened ;  he  may- 
even  have  caught  something  of  the  commercial  spirit  from  his 
peasant  travelling  companions,  whose  interest  in  America  was 
somewhat  narrow.  They  supposed  that  America  was  the  place 
place  where  meat  was  to  be  had  three  times  a  day,  and  where 
wealth  could  be  obtained  almost  unsought. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  Schurz  ^  shows  the 
extent  to  which  Lenau's  dreams  of  wealth  had  gone  :  "Ich  werde 
mir  dort  eine  Strecke  Landes  kaufen  von  etwa  tausend  Morgen, 
und  den  Philipum  als  Pachter  darauf  setzen — Der  ganze  Vertrag 
wird  natiirlich  vor  Gericht  ratificiert.  In  drei  bis  vier  Jahren 
hat  sich  dann  der  Werth  meines  Eigenthums  wenigstens  auf  das 
Sechsfache  gesteigert.  Lachle  nicht  Anton,  es  liegen  sichere 
Berechnungen  vor.  Der  Ankauf  des  Landas  macht  von  tausend 
Morgen  etwa  3000  fl.  in  vier  Jahren  ist  alles  kultivirt,  und  dann 
^  kann  es,  wenn  es  gut  gelit,  3000  fl.  jahrlich  tragen.     Ich  kann 

mich  auf  meine  Leute  ganz  verlassen,  und  eine  gute  Rente  in 

/>  Oesterreich  genieszen.     Der  schlimmste  aber  undenkbare  Fall 

ware,  daz  sie  mir  ein  Jahr  lang  meine  Rente  nicht  schickteuj 
»  ,^  dann  ware  ich  halt  gezwungen,  nach  America  zu  schreiben  an 

\^'  ein  Handelshaus,  dem  ich  empfohlen  bin,  oder  einen  anderen 

Pachter  setzen  zu  lassen." 

The  vessel  which  had  been  engaged  to  convey  the  party  to 
America  was  the  ship  "  Baron  van  der  Capellan,"  672  tons,  J.  A. 
Tholen,  Master.  She  had  been  an  East  India  merchantman 
and  this  was  her  first  trip  to  America.  Her  proprietor  was  a 
man  named  Westerman  who  lived  in  Amsterdam.  After  putting 
to  sea  the  travellers  found  out  that  she  was  very  old  and  almost 
unseaworthy.^ 

Before  setting  sail  Lenau  wrote  that  Captain  Tholen  had  been 

1  Amsterdam,  July  27,  1832.     Schurz,  vol.  I,  186. 

''■  Soiide  Hauser  geben  sich  dort  in  der  Regel  mit  diesem  Geschaft  nicht  ab. 
Die  Schiffe,  welche  zum  Transport  der  Elnvvanderer  eingerichtet  werden,  sind 
in  der  Regel  von  der  schlechtesten  Qualitat,  ah  und  baufallig,  und  die  Kapitane, 
deren  Fiihrung  sie  anvertraut  werden,  unwissende,  unerfahrene  und  brutale 
Menschen."     (Eickhoff,  p.  16), 


T.  S.  Baker.  17 

very  kind,  and  that  he  expected  much  pleasure  from  his  society/ 
The  captain  gave  up  one  of  his  rooms  so  that  the  traveller  was 
quite  isolated  from  the  "grausigem  Volke  der  Auswanderer,"^ 
The  captain's  black  steward  and  a  Philip  Huber,  who  had  been 
brought  along,  acted  as  their  servants.  The  ship,  after  discharg- 
ing her  passengers  and  cargo  at  Baltimore,  was  expected  to  re- 
turn to  Amsterdam.  There  was,  however,  a  possibility  that 
instead  of  coming  back  to  Amsterdam,  she  would  go  to  the  East 
Indies.  Lenau  writes  :  "  Es  ist  aber  moglich,  dasz  es  von  Balti- 
more nach  Ostindien  abgeht,  und  vielleicht  mich  mitnimmt. 
Ungeheuer  reizend  ware  die  Reise  nach  Java.  Ein  kleiner  Ab- 
stecher  auf  den  Cap,  auf  die  Insel  St.  Helena,  sehr  reizend." 

The  ship  leaves  Amsterdam,  after  a  long  delay,  late  in  July, 
the  exact  date  being  uncertain.  It  is  known,  however,  that  the 
passengers  were  on  board  the  ship  and  in  the  Texel  Channel  on 
the  first  of  August.  Here  the  "  Baron  van  der  Capellan "  was 
run  into  by  another  vessel  and  delay  was  caused.  Finally,  how- 
ever, they  put  to  sea. 

Lenau  had  looked  forward  to  the  voyage  across  with  very 
great  enthusiasm,  and  this  was  one  of  the  things  which  did  not 
disappoint  him  in  spite  of  the  terrible  sufferings  which  he  must 
have  undergone.  Before  starting  it  was  expected  that  the  voy- 
age would  not  last  more  than  six  weeks.  Owing,  however,  to 
rough  weather  and  the  bad  condition  of  the  ship,  Baltimore  was 
not  reached  until  they  had  been  out  ten  weeks.  Lenau  has  left 
in  his  letters  but  a  fragmentary  account  of  his  experiences  at 
sea,  but  he  frequently  stated  afterwards  that  the  sight  of  the 
ocean  was  one  of  the  most  important  events  in  his  life.  He 
says  :  "  Wohl  ist  das  Seeleben  ein  Erhabenes"  (Lenau  to  Mayer 
Aug.  I,  1832).  Lenau  to  Emilie  Reinbeck,  August,  1832  : 
"  Einige  Blicke  in  die  See  waren  mir  bereits  gegonnt.  Ich 
glaube,  ich  werde  eine  leidenschaftliche  Liebe  zum  Meere  fassen. 
Ich  spiire  schon  den  Reichthum  von  poetischen  Ideen,  die  mir 
die  Natur  auf  meiner  Reise  entgegenstreuen  wird." 

'  Lenau  to  Schurz,  Amsterdam,  July  27.    Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  186. 
^  Lenau  to  Emilie  Reinbeck,  August,  1832.     Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  189. 


i8  Nicolaus  Lenau's  American  Journey. 

Soon  after  the  ship  had  put  to  sea  the  carpenter  announced 
that  the  vessel  was  in  such  a  condition  that  it  could  not  weather 
a  severe  storm.  This  caused  great  excitement  and  anxiety. 
Lenau  said  in  a  letter  to  Schurz,  written  after  his  arrival  in  Bal- 
timore, "  Es  ist  doch  eine  fatale  Empfindung,  wenn  man  sich 
abends  in  seine  Hangematte  legt  und  nicht  weisz,  ob  das  Schiflf 
in  der  Nacht  auseinander  gehen  werde  und  man  in  den  Wellen 
erwache,  gerade  auf  so  lange,  um  die  Todesangst  noch  recht  zu 
fiihlen.  Aber  daran  habe  ich  mich  gewohnt."  Violent  storms 
were  encountered,  and  on  several  occasions  it  was  believed  that 
the  vessel  would  sink.  In  addition  to  this  the  supplies  were 
nearly  exhausted.     Finally,  Lenau  fell  ill  with  the  scurvy. 

Besides  these  terrible  dangers  and  suflferings  during  the  long 
voyage  of  ten  weeks,  the  absence  of  all  congenial  companion- 
ship was  felt  very  keenly  by  Lenau.  To  a  man  of  his  sensibili- 
ties the  association  with  a  crowd  of  mercenary  peasants  during 
this  long  period  must  have  been  a  bitter  experience.  Captain 
Tholen,  from  whom  he  had  expected  so  much,  also  proved  un- 
congenial, so  that  the  only  thing  left  for  him  was  the  contem- 
plation of  the  ocean,  and  it  is  remarkable  that  after  the  terrible 
experiences  through  which  he  had  gone  he  writes,  immediately 
after  his  arrival,  "  Ich  bin  jetzt  um  ein  Gutes  reichier,  dasz  ich 
auch  das  Meer  kennen  gelernt  habe.  Die  nachhaltigste  und 
beste  Wirkung  dieser  Seereise  ist  ein  gewisser  feierlicher  Ernst, 
der  sich  durch  den  langen  Anblick  des  Erhabenen  in  mir  befes- 
tigt  hat.  Das  sind  die  zwei  Hauptmomente  der  Natur,  die  mich 
gebildet  haben  :  diesz  atlantische  Meer  und  die  oesterreichischen 
Alpen.^  The  sea  at  rest  seemed  as  impressive  to  him  as  it  did 
during  a  storm,  and,  as  in  the  above  quoted  passage,  he  ever 
afterwards  mentioned  the  ocean  as  one  of  the  most  important 
sources  of  inspiration.^ 

The  vessel  at  length  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake  Bay  and  Lenau 


'  Lenau  to  Schurz,  Baltimore,  Oct.  i6,  1832.     Schurz,  I,  p.  196. 

*  Letter  to  Sophie  von  Lowenthal.  Stuttgart,  June  13,  1840.  Schurz,  vol.  II, 
p.  26.  "  Von  Beethoven,  dem  Meere,  dem  Hochgebirg  und  Ihnen  habe  ich  ja 
das  Beste  und  Meiste  gelernt  oder  vielmehr  durch  Euch  vier  von  Gott." 


T.  S.  Baker.  19 

first  landed  upon  American  soil  on  the  eighth  of  October.  This 
was  somewhere  down  the  bay,  for  the  vessel  did  not  arrive  at 
Baltimore  until  the  nth  or  I2th.^ 

It  is  hard  to  conceive  of  a  more  discouraging  succession  of 
reverses.  First  the  opposition  of  his  friends,  then  the  discovery 
of  the  insecurity  of  the  immigration  society,  the  repeated  de- 
lays, the  difficulty  in  regard  to  his  passport.  Finally,  the  hor- 
rors of  the  voyage — ten  weeks  in  a  death-trap  of  a  ship,  sur- 
rounded with  the  most  common-place  people,  ill  with  a  distressing 
disease.  His  disappointment  is  therefore  not  surprising,  and  his 
feelings  must  have  been  those  of  patient  resignation  to  whatever 
other  misfortunes  were  to  befall  him. 

To  continue  the  list  of  calamities,  Baltimore  was  at  this  time 
visited  by  a  severe  epidemic  of  cholera,^  the  ravages  of  which 
were  so  great  that  3572  deaths  from  this  disease  alone  are  reported 
for  the  year  1832.  Lenau's  stay  in  Baltimofe  was,  therefore, 
shorter  than  he  at  first  intended.  During  his  visit  he  lived  at 
the  Exchange  Hotel.^ 

^  The  following  is  the  Custom  House  entry  of  the  vessel : — 

Ship  Baron  Van  der  Capellan, 

J.  A.  Tholen,  Master. 

692  tons  burthen.     Arrived  from  Amsterdam,  Oct.  12,  1832. 

Had  passengers,  but  there  is  no  record  of  names  or  numbers. 

Cargo  : — 118  Millstones 

I  package  matches 
I        "        linen 
Wooden  clocks 
German  books 
Woolens 
According  to  this,  the  vessel  arrived  on  the  twelfth  of  October,  but  this  was 
probably  the  date  of  the  entry  of  the  vessel.   It  arrived  in  the  Baltimore  harbor 
on  the  eleventh.     Besides  the  above  information  it  has  been  ascertained  that 
there  were  253  passengers,  and  that  the  consignee  was  Karthaus  Kurtz  &  Co., 
whose  offices  according  to  Matchett's   Baltimore  Directory  for  1835  were  45 
South  Gay  Street. 

"^  For  information  concerning  Baltimore  at  this  time,  the  following  two  books 
are  important:  F.  Lucas,  Picture  of  Baltimore  in  1832  (Baltimore,  1832);  Varle, 
View  of  Baltimore  (Baltimore,  1833). 

*  "The  Exchange  Hotel  extended  from  Exchange  Place  through  to  Second 
Street,  near  Gay  Street ;  the  property  of  the  Commercial  Exchange  Company, 
was,  for  many  years,  one  of  the  most  popular  hotels  in  Baltimore.     It  occupied 


ad  Nicolaus  Lenau^s  American  Journey. 

Baltimore  was  then  a  city  of  81,000  inhabitants,  of  whom 
about  14,000  had  been  born  in  Germany,  and  at  this  time  the 
German  element  was  more  active  than  that  in  New  York.  It 
was  also  the  most  important  American  port  for  German  immi- 
grants, especially  for  those  going  West,  for  the  national  road  to 
Wheeling  made  travel  to  the  West  much  easier  than  from  any 
of  the  other  sea-ports.  It  is  not  likely  that  Lenau  found  much 
in  Baltimore  to  interest,  him  as  he  staid  only  three  weeks.  While 
at  the  Exchange  Hotel  he  became  acquainted  with  a  young  stu- 
dent from  Hessen,  who  was  also  a  musician.  After  having  heard 
I/cnau  play  the  violin  and  the  guitar,  upon  which  latter  instru- 
ment he  performed  with  very  unusual  skill,  this  young  musician 
proposed  a  concert  tour  to  Mexico,  South  America  and  Australia. 
He  was  so  enthusiastic  in  regard  to  the  scheme  that  Lenau  was 
almost  won  over,  but  lack  of  funds  and  the  bitter  disappoint- 
ment which  had  befallen  him  at  every  point  induced  him  to 
dismiss  the  idea.  Instead  of  this  he  bought  a  horse  and  began 
the  long  ride,  in  mid-winter,  to  Economy,  Pennsylvania. 

The  journey  from  Baltimore  was  made  along  the  national  road. 
In  passing  through  Bedford,  Pennsylvania,  he  became  acquainted 
with  a  certain  Alexander  King,  who,  upon  hearing  Lenau  play 
the  Rackoczy  March,  was  so  pleased  with  his  wonderful  per- 
formance that  he  sought  to  make  his  acquaintance.  Conversa- 
tion was,  however,  difficult.  Mr.  King  did  not  know  German, 
Lenau  did  not  know  English,  and  so  they  fell  back  upon  Latin 
as  a  medium.  When  Lenau  parted  from  this  Mr.  King  he  was 
presented  with  a  copy  of  Mitchell's  "  Guide  through  the  United 
States"  with  the  following  sentence  on  the  fly-leaf : 

"  Alexander  King 

de  Bedfordia 

dedit  ad  ejus  amicum  dominum  Niembsch." 


a  part  of  the  present  Custom  House  Building."    Scharf,  Baltimore  City  and 
County,  p.  515. 

At  the  time  of  Lenau's  visit  it  was  managed  by  J.  H.  Page.  It  had  been 
recently  erected  and  fitted  up  by  William  Patterson,  Robert  Oliver,  John 
Donnell  and  Sons  and  Jerome  Bonaparte. 


T.  S.  Baker.  2i 

From  Bedford  the  traveler  pushed  on  to  Economy,  where, 
from  the  combined  effects  of  the  scurvy  and  the  exposure  to  the 
severity  of  an  American  winter,  he  became  ill  and  was  com- 
pelled to  spend  part  of  the  winter  in  bed.  Lenau's  intention 
when  he  left  Baltimore  had  been  to  hurry  on  as  fast  as  possible, 
so  that  he  might  get  a  look  at  some  of  the  American  "  Urwalder" 
and  the  Niagara  and  then  to  return  immediately  home.  From 
this,  however,  he  was  prevented  by  his  illness. 

Here  his  musical  acquirements  were  again  useful  to  him.  The 
man  who  made  the  fires  in  the  little  hotel  where  he  was  staying 
was,  it  would  seem,  not  one  of  those  whom  Lenau  had  charac- 
terized as  "stone  dead  to  all  higher  life,"  for  every  morning 
when  he  came  to  his  room  he  would  refuse  to  make  the  fire  for 
the  invalid  unless  he  played  something  on  the  violin. 

The  next  place  which  he  visited,  after  his  recovery,  was  Pitts- 
burg. Here  he  became  acquainted  with  C.  L.  Volz,^  a  prominent 
merchant,  who  welcomed  him  warmly.  Volz  was  able  to  offer 
Lenau  most  welcome  hospitality  during  his  sojourn  in  Pittsburg, 
and  he  ever  afterwards  looked  back  with  pleasure  upon  his  asso- 
ciation with  this  man. 

On  the  yth  of  February,  1833,  Lenau,  in  company  with  this 
Herr  Volz  and  W.  R.  Riedlen,  revisited  the  Rappist  settlement 
at  Economy.^  This  fact,  mentioned  by  A.  Griin,  is  ascertained 
from  the  dedication  of  Riedlen's  book,  Guter  Rath  an  Ein- 
wanderer  in  die  Vereinigten  Staaten^  a  German  version  of  J.  P. 
Davis'  American  Guide  Book.  This  work  was  published  by 
Riedlen  in  1834  in  Aarau,  and  is  dedicated  to  Lenau  and  Volz  in 
"  freundlicher  Erinnerung  an"  this  excursion. 

^  Lenau  had  a  letter  to  Volz  from  a  mutual  Swabian  friend.  Volz  was  a  Ger- 
man-American merchant  in  Pittsburg,  who  had  come  to  America  in  1812.  He 
had  been  very  successful  in  business,  so  that  he  was  able  to  offer  his  guest  a 
most  comfortable  home.  He  welcomed  to  his  home  all  cultivated  Germans  who 
came  to  that  part  of  America.  In  1825  Herzog  Bernhard  von  Saxe-Weimar- 
Eisenach  was  his  guest.  (Cf.  Bernhard  Herzog  von  Saxe-VVeimar-Eisenach, 
Reise  durch  Nord-Amerika  in  den  Jahren  1825  and  1826.  Weimar  1828).  Further 
information  concerning  Volz  is  to  be  found  in  Koerner's  Das  Deutsche  Element 
in  Anierika,  p.  45. 

^  Economy  is  18  miles  to  the  northwest  of  Pittsburg  on  the  Ohio  River.  It  was 
settled  in  1824  by  the  Rappists,  who,  having  sold  their  settlement  at  New  Har- 
mony, Ind.  to  the  followers  of  Robert  Owen,  sought  a  new  home  in  Pennsylvania. 


22  Nicolaus  Lettatc's  American  Journey. 

Two  letters  were  written  from  New  Lisbon/  Ohio,  a  small 
town  just  across  the  border  from  Pennsylvania,  one  on  the  6th 
of  March,  the  other  on  the  7th.  He  went  to  New  Lisbon  in 
quest  of  land,  which  he  thought  might  prove  a  good  investment. 
Either  on  the  way  there,  or  on  one  of  his  prospecting  tours  in 
the  neighborhood,  he  was  thrown  from  a  sleigh  and  cut  about 
the  head.  From  this  opening  in  his  head  he  says^  he  thinks  all 
plans  for  continuing  his  journey  in  America  have  made  their 
exit.  On  account  of  this  accident  he  was  compelled  to  remain 
in  his  room  in  the  hotel  for  several  days. 

It  has  been  conjectured  by  many  writers  that  Lenau  bought 
his  farm  near  New  Lisbon,  or,  at  the  very  least,  that  it  lay  in 
Ohio.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  it  was  located  in  Crawford 
County,  Pennsylvania.  After  his  recovery  from  the  wound  in 
his  head  he  went  once  more  to  Economy,  and  there,  on  the 
15th  of  March,  concluded  an  agreement  with  a  certain  Ludwig 
H.,^  a  carpenter  from  Lauffen,  in  Wiirtemberg,  whom  Lenau  had^ 
praised  *  as  the  "  rechtschaffenste  und  tiichtigste  Mann  den  ich 
jemals  aus  derlei  Standen  kennen  gelernt  habe."  --^.^^ 

This  carpenter  had  accompanied  him  throughout  the  entire 
journey,  and  it  had  been  Lenau's  intention  before  sailing  from 
Europe  to  give  him  charge  of  whatever  land  he  might  purchase 
in  America.  His  servant,  Philip  Huber,  he  had  also  intended 
to  leave  in  America  on  some  of  his  land,  but  Huber  found  tem- 
porary employment  in  a  coal  mine. 

Lenau  had  bought,  as  has  been  stated  above,  a  farm  in  Craw- 
ford County  in  the  northwestern  part  of  Pennsylvania.  This 
farm,  or  more  correctly  this  land,  for  most  of  it  was  not  tillable, 
consisted  of  two  quarter  sections  of  government  land,  numbers 
2594,  2595  and  one-eighth  of  a  section,  2596,  four  hundred  acres 


^  New  Lisbon,  the  capital  of  Columbiana  County,  Ohio,  is  situated  on  the  Little 
Beaver  River  about  35  miles  east  of  Canton  and  50  miles  northwest  of  Pittsburg. 

^  Letter  to  Klemm.  Lisbon  am  Ohio  (?).  March  6,  1832.  Schurz,  I,  206. 
New  Libson  is  not  on  the  Ohio,  but  in  the  State  of  Ohio. 

'  The  name  of  this  man  has  nowhere  in  any  account  of  Lenau's  life  been  given 
in  full. 

*  Letter  to  Schurz,  Amsterdam,  July  27,  1832.     Schurz,  I,  186. 


T.  S.  Baker.  23 

in  all.  According  to  the  terms  of  the  contract  these  four  hun- 
dred acres  were  leased  to  Ludwig  H.  for  a  period  of  eight  years  ; 
in  addition  six  hundred  dollars,  part  in  cash  and  part  in  stock, 
etc.,  were  advanced  by  Lenau.  In  return  for  this  each  year  2>lVi 
acres  of  land  must  be  cleared,  cultivated  and  fenced.  During 
the  period  of  eight  years  the  following  buildings  were  to  be 
erected  :  a  two-story  44  x  36  foot  log  dwelling-house  with  a 
shingle  roof,  a  barn  and  the  necessary  stables.  A  certain  num- 
ber of  cattle  were  to  be  sold  and  the  proceeds  given  to  Lenau 
at  the  expiration  of  the  lease  ;  and  finally,  H.  was  expected  to 
till  the  land  entirely  at  his  own  expense,  and  in  the  years  1836, 
1837,  to  pay  one  hundred  dollars  annual  rent,  and  two  hundred 
dollars  a  year  from  1838  to  1840. 

Should  Lenau,  within  the  eight  years,  wish  to  sell  the  land, 
then  he  must  pay  H.  either  the  sum  of  twelve  hundred  dollars 
or  give  him  one-fifth  of  the  farm. 

This  contract  shows  a  most  astounding  lack  of  business  ability 
on  the  part  of  Lenau.  The  agreement  is  so  complicated  and 
at  the  same  time  shows  such  a  lack  of  knowledge  concerning 
the  methods  of  farming  in  America  that  it  is  not  strange  that 
the  investment  turned  out  badly.  The  Wiirtemberg  carpenter 
fled  to  Canada  in  the  year  1834.  Philip  Huber,  Lenau's  valet 
on  board  the  ship  remained  faithful,  but  he  was  not  able  to  be 
of  much  service  to  his  former  employer. 

The  place  was  finally  sold  to  pay  the  taxes,  but  the  purchaser, 
whose  name  was  Jung,  in  the  year  1847,  several  years  after 
Lenau  had  been  confined  in  the  insane  asylum,  sent  Schurz  1050 
francs  as  part  payment  of  what  was  due  him,  but  which  he  had 
neglected  to  collect ;  other  payments  were  continued  regularly 
up  to  the  time  of  Lenau's  death  in  1850. 

As  soon  as  the  contract  had  been  signed  at  Economy,  Lenau 
started  on  his  ride  to  see  the  Niagara  Falls.  When  still  a  long 
way  off  he  was  very  deeply  impressed  at  the  thunderous  roar  of 
the  Falls. ^     This  was  one  of  the  few  things  he  saw  in  America 

~"« 

^  The  poems  "  Verschiedene  Deutung,"  "  Niagara  "  and  "  Die  Drei  Indianer," 
owe  their  origin  to  the  impressions  received  while  viewing  Niagara  Falls. 


24  Nicolaus  LenatCs  American  Journey. 

which  were  not  disappointing,  and  the  impressions  received  there 
were  lasting. 

From  Niagara  he  continued  his  journey  across  the  State  of 
New  York  and  down  the  Hudson  Valley  to  New  York  City. 
The  ride  down  the  Hudson  is  remarkable,  from  the  fact  that  this 
valley,  along  with  the  Niagara  Falls  and  an  "  Urwald"  in  the 
West,  was  the  sight  which  gave  him  the  most  pleasure.  Upon 
his  arrival  in  New  York  he  presented  letters  to  one  of  the  lead- 
ing German  merchants  of  the  city,  Herr  von  Post,  who  received 
him  hospitably  and  did  everything  possible  to  make  his  stay  in 
New  York  agreeable.  He  also  met  Martin  Van  Buren,  after- 
wards President,  but  at  that  time  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States. 

It  has  been  possible  to  get  but  little  information  in  regard  to 
this  part  of  Lenau's  journey,  as  none  of  the  letters  written  at 
this  time  have  been  preserved.  It  is  known  that  he  left  Economy 
the  latter  part  of  March,  1833.  Considerable  time  must  have 
been  spent  on  the  road  from  Economy  to  New  York  by  the  way 
of  Niagara,  so  that  it  is  fair  to  suppose  that  he  arrived  in  New 
York  about  the  20th  of  April.  He  remained  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  New  York  about  two  weeks  before  embarking  for 
Bremen.     He  arrived  in  Germany  early  in  June. 

Thus  ended  Lenau's  American  journey.  It  had  been  a  disap- 
pointment to  him  throughout.  Although  from  the  point  of  view 
of  poetic  material  gathered  it  was  not  unfruitful,  yet  this  fell 
far  below  what  he  had  expected,  both  in  quality  and  quantity. 
His  ideal  of  America  had  been  entirely  different  from  what  he 
encountered.  Had  it  been  possible  for  him  to  ignore  the  Ameri- 
cans with  their  prosaic  business  enterprises  and  their  lack  of 
culture  and  place  himself  right  in  the  midst  of  the  primitive 
American  life  he  would  have  been  satisfied.  At  least  this  is 
what  he  had  supposed  when  he  left  Europe,  but  it  is  more  than 
likely  that  he  never  could  have  been  happy  here,  even  for  a 
short  time. 

The  journey  was  made  at  a  very  unfortunate  season.  He 
arrived  in  October  and  left  early  in  May  ;  he  saw  nothing  of  the 


T.  S.  Baker.  25 

American  spring  and  summer,  and  unfortunately  the  winter 
of  1832  and  1833  was  one  of  unusual  severity  and  duration. 
His  disappointment  was  so  great  that  afterwards  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  he  could  be  induced  to  speak  of  his  adventures 
here.  His  biographers  have  accordingly  passed  over  this  part 
of  his  life  very  quickly.  They  attached  very  little  importance 
to  it,  although  in  a  letter  written  in  1834  he  said  the  past  two 
years  were  the  most  important  in  his  life.  Materials  were  hard 
to  obtain  and  Lenau  disliked  all  reference  to  it,  so  it  became 
customary  to  ignore  it,  or  at  least  to  underestimate  its  importance. 

Schurz  says,  vol.  i,  p.  212,  "Die  Ernte  dieser  Reise war weder 
geistig  noch  leiblich  gesegnet."  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that, 
physically  speaking,  the  journey  was  very  unfortunate.  The 
hardships  of  an  American  winter  seriously  affected  his  constitu- 
tion, undermined  as  it  was  by  his  illness  from  scurvy  on  board 
ship  coming  over  and  he  never  fully  recovered  from  rheumatism 
contracted  during  his  long  winter  rides  on  horse  back. 

But  in  spite  of  this,  and  in  spite  of  his  bitter  disappointment, 
the  fact  remains  that  the  impressions  received  at  this  time  con- 
tinue to  exercise  an  influence  upon  his  work  for  years  after  his 
return.  Especially  does  this  apply  to  the  impressions  received 
during  the  voyages,  the  ocean  being,  as  he  said,  one  of  the  things 
which  had  "  formed  "  him.  Further,  Lenau's  journey  to  America 
produced  the  effect  that  traveling  in  foreign  lands  always  pro- 
duces. It  served  to  give  him  a  clearer  estimate  of  life.^  It 
awoke  him,  to  be  sure  rather  violently,  from  his  poet's  dream 
and  showed  him  that  the  imagination  could  never  be  the  sole 
determinant  for  human  affairs. 

The  extreme  practical  nature  of  American  business  life  acted 
as  a  check  upon  Lenau's  unbridled  imagination.  He  saw  in 
prosy  America  the  greatest  possible  contrast  to  his  own  ideal. 


^  Cf.  also  letter  of  Lenau  to  Emilie  Reinbeck.  Schurz,  p.  200.  New  Lisbon, 
March  15th. 

"  In  dieser  groszen  langen  Einsamkeit,  ohne  Freund,  ohne  Natur,  ohne  irgend 
eine  Freude,  war  ich  wohl  darauf  hingewiesen,  stille  Einkehr  zu  halten  in  mich 
selber,  und  manchen  heilsamen  Entschlusz  zu  fassen  fiir  meine  ferneren  Tage." 


26  Nicolaus  Lenau's  American  Journey. 

and  this  did  not  fail  to  produce  a  salutary  effect  upon  him  in 
spite  of  his  repugnance  to  the  experience.  As  far  as  his  expec- 
tation of  increasing  his  income  is  concerned  it  is  quite  clear  from 
what  has  been  said  that  this  was  also  a  failure. 

In  summing  up,  therefore,  the  results  of  this  journey,  there 
is  on  one  hand  a  considerable  amount  of  poetic  material  which 
was  gathered — impressions  that  remained  during  the  rest  of  his 
life,  also  the  benefits  that  come  from  contact  with  the  world — 
more  rational  opinions  of  human  nature ;  while  on  the  other 
hand  there  are  the  effects  of  privation  and  exposure  upon  a  rather 
sensitive  constitution.^  One  is  compelled,  therefore,  while 
granting  the  very  serious  results  for  his  physique,  to  acknowledge 
the  decidedly  beneficial  effects  upon  his  mind. 

It  is  very  remarkable,  in  the  few  letters  which  Lenau  wrote 
from  America,  how  closely  he  observed  the  life  in  the  United 
States  and  foresaw  in  some  instances  the  dangers  which  were  to 
beset  the  republic.  References  are  made  to  the  attempt  of  South 
Carolina  to  secede  on  account-  of  the  tariff ;  to  the  banking  sys- 
tem ;  to  the  unnatural  condition  of  trade  and  politics.^  Lenau 
criticises,  more  than  anything  else,  the  lack  of  animation — of 
passion  in  America.  He  says,^  "  Die  Natur  selbst  ist  kalt.  .  .  , 
Alias  ist  gleichformig  und  unphantastisch."  "  Hier  lebt  der 
Mensch  in  einer  sonderbaren  kalten  Heiterkeit,  die  ans  Unheim- 
liche  streift,"  .  .  .  "rauhe  Menschen.  Ihre  Rauheit  ist  aber 
nicht  die  Rauheit  wilder,  kraftiger  Naturen,  nein,  es  ist  eine 
zahme,  und  darum  doppelt  widerlich."  ^  .  .  .  "  Merkwiirdig  ist 
es  wie  die  heftigsten  Gefiihle  hier  so  schnell  erkalten."  .  .  . 
"  Diese  ausgebrannten  Menschen,"  *  etc. 

Everything  in  America  he  found  "entsetzlich  matt."  To  his 
passionate  nature  this  dreariness  was  terribly  oppressive. 

^  Cf.  also  Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  214.  "Er  schien  alien  gealtert,  sein  Auge,  zwar 
noch  immer  lieb  und  treu,  hatte  am  Glanze  verloren,  sein  Gesicht  war  mit 
tieferen  Furchen  umzogen,  und  nur  sein  Herz  noch  unverandert. " 

^  Cf.  letter  to  Klemm.  Schurz,  I,  p.  208.  "  Mit  dem  Ausdrucke  Bodenlosig- 
keit  glaub'  ich  iiberhaupt  den  Charakter  aller  amerikanischen  Institute  bezeich- 
nen  zu  konnen,  auch  der  politischen." 

*  Letter  to  Klemm.     Schurz,  vol.  I.  p.  208. 

*  Letter  to  Emilia  Reinbeck.  New  Lisbon,  March  5, 1833.  Schurz,  vol.  I,  p.  204. 


T.  S.  Baker.  27 

The  love  of  the  Americans  for  money  is  also  the  occasion  of 
much  criticism,  "  Der  Amerikaner  kennt  nichts,  er  sucht  nichts, 
als  Geld."  .  .  .  "  Eine  Niagara-stimme  gehort  dazu,  um  diesen 
Schuften  zu  predigen,  dasz  es  noch  hohere  Gotter  gebe,  als  die 
im  Miinzhause  geschlagenen."  *  The  Americans  are  "  Himmelan 
stinkende  Kramerseelen,  todt  fiir  alles  geistige  Leben."  In  re- 
gard to  education  in  America  he  says,  "  Die  Bildung  der  Ameri- 
kaner ist  blosz  eine  merkantile,  eine  technische.  Hier  entfaltet 
sich  der  praktische  Mensch  in  seiner  furchtbarsten  Niichtern- 
heit."  The  women  he  also  found  extremely  uninteresting.  "  Ich 
war  haufig  in  musikalischen  Gesellschaften,  wo  junge  Damen 
sich  singend  horen  lieszen.  Ihr  Ton  war  .  .  .  ein  sonderbares 
Geschrille,  das  hochstens  dem  einer  Move  ahnlich  kommt.  ... 
Auch  blicken  diese  Damen  nicht,  sie  schauen  nur ;  es  klaffen 
nur  zwei  Kellerfenster  .  .  .  Ich  kann  das  amerikanische  schone 
Geschlecht  nur  darum  loben,  dasz  es  meiner  Ruhe  niemals  gefahr- 
lich  werden  konnte.  .  .  .  Auflfallend  ist  iibrigens  die  hohe 
Verehrung  und  die  grosze  Galanterie,  mit  welcher  die  hiesigen 
Bhemanner  ihren  Frauen  begegnen.  .  .  .  Die  meisten  sind  fast 
heilig  gehalten."  Reference  is  also  made  to  the  crudity  of 
agriculture,  to  the  lack  of  song  birds,  and  the  absence  of  wine. 

His  opinion,  after  having  been  here  less  than  a  half  year,  is 
that  "  Amerika  ist  das  wahre  Land  des  Unterganges,  der  Westen 
der  Menschheit"  ^  and  further  "  Die  schlimmste  Frucht  der  iiblen 
Verhaltnisse  in  Deutschland  ist  die  Auswanderung  nach  Amerika. 
.  .  .  Ich  weisz  nicht  warum  ich  immer  eine  Sehnsucht  nach 
Amerika  hatte.  Doch  ich  weisz  es.  Johannes  hat  in  der  Wiiste 
getauft.  Mich  zog  es  auch  in  die  Wiiste,  und  hier  ist  in  meinem 
Inneren  wirklich  etwas  wie  Taufe  vorgef alien."  ^ 

These  extracts  are  sufficient  to  show  the  intense  dissatisfaction 
and  disappointment  at  nearly  everything  in  America.  In  the 
early  part  of  the  chapter  it  was  shown  how  Lenau's  preparations 
for  the  voyage  were  viewed  with  alarm  and  at  the  same  time 


^  Letter  to  Schurz.     Schurz,  vol.  i,  p.  198. 

^  Letter  to  Emilie  Reinbeck,  New  Lisbon,  March  5, 1833.     Schurz,  vol.  i,  p.  204. 


28  Nicolaus  Lenau's  American  Journey. 

with  interest  by  his  friends  in  Swabia  and  Vienna.  During  his 
absence  he  had  won  a  much  larger  circle  of  admirers.  His 
name  had  become  much  better  known.^  The  long  journey  he 
had  undertaken  lent  an  air  of  romance  to  the  young  poet,  whose 
praise  was  being  sung  in  all  parts  of  Germany,  so  that  his  return 
was  looked  for  with  interest  by  a  large  part  of  the  German  speak- 
ing race.  And  after  his  return  from  what  he  called  the  "  Ver- 
schweinten  Staaten"  he  became,  one  might  almost  say,  an  object 
of  curiosity.^  That  his  voyage  excited  great  interest  is  shown  by 
the  popularity  of  Kiimberger's  novel,  "  Der  Amerikamiide," 
based  upon  the  adventures  of  Lenau  in  America  and  to  be  treated 
in  the  next  chapter. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


Auerbach,  Berthold. — Der  Weltschmerz  mit  besonderer  Beziehung  auf 

Nicolaus  Lenau:  Vortrag,  In  Deutsche  Abende.     Neue  Folge. 

Stuttgart  1867,  pp.  205-254. 
Nicolaus  Lenau.    Erinnerung  und  Betrachtung,  Vortrag.    Wien, 

1876. 
Bauernfeld. — Die  schone  Literatur  in  Oesterreich.      Eine  historische 

Skizze.     Wien,  1835. 
Pia  Desideria  eines  oesterreichischen  Schriftstellers.   Leipzig,  1842. 
Born,  Stephan. — Nikolaus  Lenau,  Vortrag.     Basel,  1877. 
Doering,  Dr.  J.  M.  H. — N.  Lenau's  Biographic  1853.     (Biographien 

deutscher  Classiker.) 


^  On  landing  in  Bremen,  one  of  the  first  things  he  saw  was  a  copy  of  Menzel's 
"  LiteraturblaW^  with  his  name  in  a  laurel  wreath.  Here  he  also  saw  for  the 
first  time,  the  edition  of  his  poems,  which  had  been  published  during  his  absence. 

*  Frankl,  zur  Biographie  Lenau's  p.  4  (Leipzig,  1855).  "Erst  das  personliche 
Erscheinen  Lenau's  in  Wien  weckte  ein  groszeres  Interesse  fiir  ihn,  wozu  die 
Kunde,  der  Dichter  habe,  unzufrieden  mit  der  alten  Welt,  jenseits  des  Atlanti- 
schen  Oceans  im  Urwalde  das  Gliick  und  das  Leben— das  scheue  Wild — aufge- 
sucht,  nicht  wenig  beitrug.  Damals  hatten  wenige  Menschen  in  Oesterreich 
noch  die  Fahrt  gewagt,  die  zu  jener  Zeit  noch  einen  abenteuerlichen  Schimmer 
um  Atlantisfahrer  verbreitete." 


7.  6".  Baker.  29 

^nferebn,  e7— N.  Lenau's  Voyage  to  America.  \  Harvard  Monthly 

V, ia,-+ft2r: "'"'■ ■ — — — — 

Frank!.— Zur  Biographic  Nikolaus  Lenaus.    Wien,  1854  (2te  Auflage, 
1885). 
Jahresbericht  fiir  neuere  Literatur-Geschichte.     Stuttgart,  1892. 
Karpeles,  G. — N.  Lenau,  Sein  Leben  und  Dichten.     187 1. 
Krueger. — Lenau's  Albigenser  und  die  Quellenschriften.     Programm. 

Berlin,  1886. 
Landsteiner,  Karl. — IJber  Lenau's  Geistesprocesz,  Eine  Studie.    Wien, 

1862. 
Lefaivre,  A. — Poesie  en  Autriche.     Lenau  sa  Vie  et  ses  Oeuvres. 

39  pp.     Revue  Contemporain  1861,  vol.  2,  p.  399,  if. 
Lenau,  N. — Sammtliche  Werke. 

Herausgegeben  von  A.  Grun.  4  Bde.     Stuttgart  und  Augsburg, 

1855- 
Sammtliche  Werke,  mit  einer  biographischen  Einleitung  von  A. 
Griin.  2  Bde.     Stuttgart,  1880. 
Lenau,  N. — per  S.    A  Biography  of  N.  F.  Niembsch  von  Strehlenau. 
London,  1855. 
Sammtliche  Werke,  herausgegeben  von  Emil  Barthel,  2te  Auflage. 
Leipzig,  Philip  Reclam. 
■    Lenau's  Werke,  herausgegeben  von  Max  Koch. 

Deutsche  National- Literatur.      Bde.  154-155.     Berlin  und  Stutt- 
gart. 
Poems  of  N.  Lenau.     Translated  by  John  Brydges.      London, 
1848. 
Lorn. — Wiens  Poetisches  Schwingen  und  Federn.    Leipzig,  1847. 
Marchand,  Alfred. — Les  Poetes  Lyriques  de  1' Autriche.     Paris,  1881. 

2me  edition. 
Mayer,  Karl. — N.  Lenau's  Briefe  an  einen  Freund.     Stuttgart,  1853. 
Ludwig  Uhland,  Seine  Freunde  und  Zeitgenossen. 
Erinnerungen  von  K.  M.  2  Bde.     Stuttgart,  1867. 
Minor,   J. — BibHographie  und   Quellenkunde    der   oesterreichischen 

Literaturgeschichte.     3s.  f-ost.  Gym.,  1886,  Heft  8. 
Niendorf,  Emma. — Lenau  in  Schwaben,  aus  dem  letzten  Jahrzehnt 

seines  Lebens.     Leipzig,  1855. 
Opitz,  Theodor. — N.  Lenau.     Eine  ausfiihrliche  Charakteristik  nach 

seinen  Werken.     Leipzig,  1850. 
Oesterreichischer  Parnasz  bestiegen  von  einem  heruntergekommenen 
Antiquar.     Frey-Sing,  1842. 


30  Nicolaus  Lenau's  Arnerican  Journey. 

Oesterreichische  Blatter  fur  Literatur,  Kunst,  Geschichte  usw. ,  redigiert 

von  Ad.  Schmidt,  1844. 
Oesterreich  im  Jahre  1840,  Stadt  und  Staatsverwaltung  und  Verfassung 

und  Kultur.  4  Bde.     Leipzig,  1840-44. 
Schlossar. — Nikolaus  Lenau's  Briefe  an  Emilie  von  Reinbeck  und  deren 

Gatten  George  von  Reinbeck,  183-244.     Stuttgart,  1896. 
Schor,  Adolph. — Die  oesterreichische  Dichterschule,  ihre  Entwicke- 

lung  und  Charakteristik.     Bohmisch-Leipa,  1872. 
Schurz,  A.  X. — Lenau's  Leben,  groszentheils  ausdes  Dichters  eigenen 

Briefen.     Von  seinem  Schwestermann.     Stuttgart,  1855. 
Schwab,  C.  T. — Les  Poesies  Lyriques  de  F.  N.  Lenau  appreci6es  au 

Point  de  Vue  Chretien.     Univers6te  de  France. 
Seidlitz,  Julius. — Die  Poesie  und  die  Poeten  in  Oesterreich  im  Jahre 

1836.     2  Bde.  Grimma,  1837. 
Siebenlist,  A, — Lenau  in  Preszburg,  nach  bisher  unbekannten  Mitthei- 

lungen  von  Dr.  A.  Siebenlist  im  Feuilleton  der  Neuen  Freie 

Presse,  Vol.  12,  October,  1883. 
Theater  Zeitung,  Wien,  1853.     No.  246.     Lenau  iiber  Amerika. 
Theuriet,  A. — Poetes  et  Humoristes.     Lenau  34  pp.  Revue  de  deux 

Mondes  1878,  vol.  29,  p.  196,  ff. 


N^' 


FERDINAND    KURNBERGKR'S 
"DER  AMERIKMUDE." 


Before  entering  upon  the  discussion  of  Der  Amerikamude  it 
will  be  necessary,  in  order  to  understand  the  point  of  view  from 
which  it  was  written,  to  give  a  short  account  of  the  life  of  its 
author,  Kiirnberger. 

Ferdinand  Kiirnberger  was  born  in  Vienna  on  the  third  of 
July,  1823.  His  father,  who  is  said  to  have  been  of  noble  birth, 
removed  from  the  Breisgau  to  Austria  because  of  financial  diffi- 
culties. The  early  part  of  Ferdinand  Kiirnberger's  life  was 
spent  in  Vienna  in  the  midst  of  the  growing  opposition  to  the 
political  tyranny  which  culminated  in  the  outbreak  of  1848.  It 
may  be  said  that  during  his  youth  he  imbibed  the  radical  po- 
litical doctrines  which  later  afiected  his  writings  to  a  very  great 
extent.  His  boyhood  was  passed  in  the  midst  of  severe  priva- 
tions, but  in  spite  of  poverty  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  good 
education. 

The  bitterness  and  love  of  solitude  which  manifested  them- 
selves later  in  his  life  are  largely  the  result  of  the  misfortunes 
of  his  early  years. 

By  giving  private  instruction  he  was  enabled  to  pursue  his 
studies  at  the  University.  These  studies  were  for  the  most  part 
philosophical.  At  the  age  of  twenty  he  began  to  contribute  to 
the  Vienna  papers,  especially  to  Frankl's  Sonntags  Blatter.  In 
the  year  1848  nearly  all  the  younger  literary  men  of  Vienna 
became  involved  in  the  political  disturbances.  Prominent  among 
them  was  Kiirnberger.  As  a  result  of  his  opposition  he  was 
compelled  to  flee  and  went  directly  to  Dresden. 

Here  he  again  got  into  political  difficulties  and  was  arrested 
and  imprisoned  for  eight  months  pending  investigations.     After 


32  Ferdinand  Kitrnbergers'  "  Der  Amerikmudey 

his  liberation  he  went  to  Hamburg  and  there  devoted  himself  to 
literary  work.    It  was  here  that  Der  Amerikamude  was  planned. 

From  Hamburg  Kiirnberger  went  to  Frankfort,  and  it  was 
not  until  1857  that  he  was  permitted  to  return  to  Vienna.  After 
his  return  he  again  became  restless,  and  in  i860  went  to  Munich. 
The  years  1861  and  1862  were  spent  in  Stuttgart  and  Koburg, 
and  in  1864  he  returned  to  Munich,  where  he  spent  much  of  his 
time  with  Wilhelm  von  Kaulbach.  A  year  later  he  went  to 
Graz,  in  Steiermark,  and  in  1866  returned  to  Vienna.  While 
on  a  journey  to  Munich  he  became  ill,  and  died  on  the  14th  of 
October,  1879.  ^^^  remains  were  taken  to  Modling  and  there 
interred  on  the  19th  of  October. 

During  his  lifetime  Kiirnberger  had  always  been  a  recluse,  so 
that  his  circle  of  friends  was  small.  His  chief  literary  asso- 
ciates were  Auerbach,  Leopold  Kompert,  Karl  von  Holtei, 
Hieronymus  Lorm,  Alfred  Meiszner,  Robert  Byr  and  Emil  Kuh. 

Kiimberger's  novelistic  and  political  writings  are  scattered 
through  a  number  of  publications — principally  in  the  Sonntags 
Blatter^  Waldheim's  Muszestunden^  Westermann's  Monatshefte^ 
\ht.Illusit^erte Frauemeitung^  BlumenthaVs  Afonaiske/ie,  Wiener 
Presse  and  the  Neue  Wiener  Tageblatt^  with  the  editor  of  which, 
J.  V.  Schembera,^  he  was  very  intimate.  Kiirnberger  also  bore 
an  important  part  in  the  foundation  of  the  Deutsche  Zeitu7ig. 

His  first  and  most  widely  read  book  was  Der  Anierika^nude^ 
Amerikanisches  Kulturbild^  1855,  volume  eight  of  Meidlin- 
ger's  Deutsche  Bibliothek. 

His  second  novel  was  written  in  1876,  and  is  called  Der 
Haustyrann.  The  scene  of  this  book  is  laid  in  the  Tyrolean 
Alps.  Five  volumes  of  Novellen  from  his  pen  were  also  repub- 
lished :  Ausgewahlte  Novellen  (1857)  in  the  Reclam  Series ; 
Novellen  (1861-62),  Drei  Bande  ;  Novellen  (1878).  Included  in 
these  volumes  of  Novellen  are  several  Afdrchen  which  attained 
great  popularity.     In  1857  ^^^  Goldmdrche?i  appeared. 

The  drama  "  Catilina"  was  written  in  1855.    A  second  drama 


1  Schembera  edited  the  last  edition  of  "Der  Amerikamiide  "  published  ten 
years  after  the  author's  death  (1889)  in  the  Reclam  Series. 


T.  S.  Baker.  Zl 

*'  Firdiisi "  was  performed  in  Munich,  in  1865,  but,  because  of  the 
great  difficulty  which  the  actors  experienced  in  the  performance, 
it  was  not  kept  in  the  repertory.  Another  drama  by  Kiirnberger 
was  written  two  years  later.     This  was  his  "  Quintin  Messis." 

Kiirnberger's  political  writings  are  contained  in  the  collection 
called  "  Siegelringe  .  .  .  Eine  Ausgewahlte  Sammlung  politi- 
scher  und  kirchlicher  Feuilletons  (1874)."  Literarische  Her- 
zenssachen^  Refiexionen  und  Kritiken  was  published  in  1877. 

His  poems  include  an  "  Aufruf  fiir  Schleswig-Holstein, 
Epistel  an  den  Kaiser  von  Oesterreich"  (1864)  ^^^  ^  long  elegy 
which  was  found  among  his  papers  after  his  death  and  was  pub- 
lished, in  1879,  in  the  Neue  Illustrirte  Zeitung. 

Kiirnberger's  other  writings  consist  of  a  number  of  short 
stories  and  sketches  which  were  published  in  various  magazines  ; 
a  comedy  written  in  1850  "  Fiirst  und  Dame  "  ;  the  text  to  a 
romantic  opera — "  Wineta  "  ;  and  finally  the  plan  of  an  exten- 
sive novel  was  found  among  his  papers.  This  novel  was  called 
by  him  Das  Schlosz  des  Verbrechens. 

Although  rumors  have  been  heard  from  time  to  time  that  a 
collection  of  Kiirnberger's  works  would  be  published,  no  such 
edition  has  yet  appeared.  No  complete  life  of  this  author  has 
ever  been  written.^  Although  to-day  the  works  of  Kiirnberger 
are  read  but  little,  during  the  fifties  and  sixties  he  was  a  very 
popular  writer. 

From  the  above  sketch  of  his  life  it  is  apparent  that  he  tried 
nearly  all  branches  of  literature.  As  a  dramatist  and  as  a  poet 
he  was  entirely  unsuccessful.  His  talent  was  descriptive  and 
critical  rather  than  dramatic.  His  greatest  success  was  won  on 
the  field  of  the  short  story,  and  it  is  as  the  writer  of  Novellen 
and  of  Der  Amerikamude  that  he  is  best  remembered. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  in  his  short  stories  as  well  as  in  his 
novels  he  prefers  foreign  and  exotic  subjects  to  native  German 
scenes.  Der  Amerikamude  and  Der  Haustyrann  both  have 
their  scenes  laid  in  foreign  lands.     In  the  same  way  the  action 

^  A  list  of  articles  on  Kiirnberger's  life  and  works  will  be  found  in  the 
bibliography. 


^   01  TilS         ^ 


34  Ferdinand  Kurnberger^s  "  Der  Amerikamudey 

in  his  short  stories  almost  always  takes  place  in  strange  coun- 
tries/ In  the  Novellen  Kiirnberger's  intense  bitterness  and 
pessimism — the  result  of  the  long  oppression  of  the  censorship — 
does  not  show  itself  as  much  as  elsewhere  in  his  writings.  Der 
Afnerikamude  may  be  regarded  as  the  expression  of  this  bitter- 
ness towards  America.  The  tone  of  the  book  is  entirely  un- 
friendly towards  things  American.  The  author  was  ever  ready 
to  oppose  ideas  that  were  popular.  He  therefore  set  himself  to 
work  to  paint  the  dark  side  of  American  life.  Europamude 
had  become  a  by-word  at  this  time  and  Kiirnberger  hit  upon 
Amerikamude  to  express  his  antagonism. 

Volumes  had  been  written  in  praise  of  the  United  States. 
Emigrants  were  flocking  thither  in  thousands.  Letters  poured 
in  from  America  bringing  messages  to  peasants  in  every  part  of 
Germany — telling  of  high  wages,  meat  three  times  a  day,  and 
unlimited  prospects  of  advancement.  The  result  was  that  this 
country  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  land  of  promise.  It  was  there- 
fore in  a  spirit  of  opposition  to  what  was  popular  and  what  was 
believed  to  be  true  that  Kiirnberger  began  this  novel.  He  may 
also  have  been  encouraged  in  the  position  which  he  took  by  the 
occasional  murmurs  of  disappointment  from  those  who  had  not 
found  America  all  that  had  been  expected. 

The  fact  also  that  the  universal  interest  in  America  had  already 
made  Sealsfield  and  Gerstacker  popular  may  have  induced  him 
to  select  an  American  subject,  feeling,  at  the  same  time,  that 
no  theme  would  probably  be  more  attractive  to  general  readers 
than  a  novel  on  American  life. 

The  book  gained  an  almost  instant  popularity.  Sealsfield's 
works  were  read  but  little  after  the  revolution  of  1848.  It 
seems,  therefore,  probable  that  the  popularity  of  Der  Amerika- 
mude may  be  partly  accounted  for  from  the  fact  that  Sealsfield's 
works  which  had  been  extremely  popular,  were,  so  to  speak,  out 
of  the  market.  The  public  also  demanded  something  more  in 
consonance  with  the  spirit  of  the  age.     It  was  a  revolutionary 


1  The  scene  of  one  of  his  short  stories  is  also  laid  in  America.     "  Gideon 
Wieser,"  pp.  181,  ff.  vol.  Ill,  of  his  "Novellen."     Miinchen,  1862. 


T.  S.  Baker.  35 

age  and  Kiirnberger's  was  a  revolutionary  personality  ;  he  there- 
fore seemed  to  fall  in  with  the  demands  of  the  times. 

As  has  been  stated  above,  the  novel  was  finished  in  Hamburg 
in  1855.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  Kiirnberger  was  never  in 
America,  the  book  shows  a  most  astoundingly  accurate  and 
complete  knowledge  concerning  the  state  of  society  and  the 
manner  of  life  in  the  United  States.  He  went  to  work  in  a 
very  serious  manner  to  collect  materials  for  his  work.  Lorm 
says,^  "  Nur  nach  erstaunlich  griindlichen  Studien  iiber  Amerika, 
die  sich  auf  das  Minutioseste  erstreckten  und  die  er  nicht  friiher 
abbrach  als  bis  er  sich  in  seinem  Gegenstande  so  heimisch 
fiihlte,  dasz  er  ihn  nicht  fiir  erlernt,  sondern  fiir  erlebt  erachten 
konnte,  ging  er  an  seine  Arbeit." 

What  the  sources  of  his  information  may  have  been  it  is 
impossible  to  say  with  absolute  certainty.  His  information  is 
so  varied  that  it  is  evident  he  drew  upon  everything  available — 
books  of  travel,  histories  of  America,  guide  books,  magazine 
articles  both  in  English  and  German.^     Duden,  Chateaubriand 


^  Hieronymus  Lorm.  VVestermann's  Illustrirte  Deutsche  Monatshefte.  Janu- 
ary, 1880,  pp.  506-512,     "Ferdinand  Kiirnberger." 

*  Such  was  the  interest  in  America  at  this  time  in  Germany  that  almost  every 
number  of  the  weekly  and  monthly  publications  contained  lengthy  letters  from 
America  or  articles  on  American  subjects.  The  following  topics  are  treated  in 
a  part  of  one  volume  of  the  "  Gartenlaube  "  for  1855  : 

On  p.  79,  there  is  a  letter  from  America  treating  :  New  York,  Seine  Lage  und 
Gestalt:  Begriiszungbei  der  Ankunft  durch  Gauner. — Vergleichung  mit  London. 
— Die  Geschaftsgegend. — Die  Bedeutung  New  Yorks  als  Amerikanischer-Euro- 
paischer  Haupt-Spediteur  und  Einwanderungshafen,  fiir  deutsche  Einwan- 
derer. — Ein  Wink. — Herr  Gerhard  und  sein  Unternehmen  fiir  dieselben. — Die 
Auswiicher  an  der  Freiheit  Nord-Amerikas  aus  Europa. — Physiognomic  New 
Yorks. — Broadway. — Der  Kleiderhandlungs  Marmor-Palast,  p.  342. — Der  Verfall 
des  Republikanismus  in  Amerika  und  dessen  Neigung  zum  Absolutismus. — Der 
Wahlcensus  fiir  die  Aristokratie  des  Gesindes. — Die  Rowdies,  Runners,  Suckers 
and  Strikers — Bestrafte  Verbrecher  als  Beamte. — Die  Praxis  bei  den  Wahlen. — 
Das  Municipal- Reform-Comitee  in  New  York. — Das  Verbrecher  und  Regierungs 
Viertel. — "Five  Points." — Wie  die  ankommenden  Einwanderer  empfangen, 
beraubt  und  geschunden  werden. — Aussichten,  etc. 

This  clearly  shows  the  extent  of  the  information  concerning  America,  which 
was  obtainable  in  Germany  without  coming  to  America. 


36  Ferdinand  Kurnberger^s  '■^  Der  Amerikamude?'' 

and  Cooper  ^  are  all  referred  to,  but  it  is  not  likely  that  Kiirn- 
berger  borrowed  anything  directly  from  them.  He  probably 
got  inspiration  from  each,  but  for  material  it  is  necessary  to  look 
elsewhere. 

Hamburg  was  at  this  time  the  chief  port  for  the  American 
trade,  and  as  the  novel  was  written  during  Kiimberger's  resi- 
dence there,  he  undoubtedly  was  able  to  obtain  information 
directly  from  those  who  were  returning  from  the  New  World 
by  way  of  Hamburg. 

Besides,  as  has  been  before  mentioned,  many  of  his  political 
associates  and  friends  had  been  compelled  to  flee  to  America. 
With  these  men  Kiimberger  kept  up  a  correspondence,  and 
through  them  was  able  to  get  many  facts  concerning  life  in  the 
United  States.=^ 

Der  Amerikamude  possesses  more  than  the  ordinar^^  short- 
lived interest  of  a  novel  written  to  suit  the  tastes  of  the  day. 
In  the  first  place  the  hero  Moorfeld  is  modeled  consciously  upon 
Nicolaus  Lenau,  especially  his  experience  in  America ;  secondly, 
Der  Amerikamude  is  the  expression  of  the  attitude  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  school  of  "  Young  Germany "  towards  America. 
That  America  played  an  important  part  in  the  "Young  Ger- 
man "  movement  will  be  shown  in  the  following  chapter,  but 
nowhere  is  the  importance  of  America  in  this  connection  more 
fully  illustrated  than  in  Der  Amerikamude. 


'  Cooper  was  already  one  of  the  most  admired  foreign  writers  in  Germany. 
The  position  which  he  occupied  in  the  eyes  of  the  German  critics  is  shown  by 
the  following  passage  taken  from  Theodor  Mundt's  Geschichte  der  deutschen 
Literatur  der  Gegenwart.     Berlin,  1842. 

He  is  comparing  Scott  and  Cooper:  "An  innerer  Poesie  stehen  beide  Autoren 
vielleicht  auf  derselben  Stufe,  das  heiszt,  sie  haben  beide  gleich  wenig  davon, 
und  die  handfeste,  praktische  Bemeisterung  der  Wirklichkeit  ist  ihre  hauptsach- 
lichste  Starke.  Doch  geht  Cooper  in  der  Regel  weniger  umstandlich  und 
ermiidend  mit  den  Einzelheiten  zu  Werke  und  bringt  durch  eine  raschere 
Verschlingung  des  Fadens  mehr  Harmonie  und  Abrundung  hervor." 

^  Cf.  Allgemeine  Deutsche  Biographic,  vol.  xvii,  p.  412.  Article  by  Anton 
Schlossar  on  Kiimberger:  "Viele  seiner  Gefahrten,  verfolgt  und  geachtet, 
waren  zu  jener  Zeit  iiber  Hamburg  ausgewandert  und  hierdurch  mag  er  wohl 
auch  die  erste  Anregung  zu  seinem  Romane  erhalten  haben,  er  sellbst  hat  die 
Neue  Welt  niemals  betreten." 


T.  S.  Baker.  37 

Why  should  Kiirnberger  model  the  doings  of  his  hero  in 
America  upon  Lenau's  American  journey  ?  The  first  chapter 
has  shown  that  the  voyage  of  Lenau  to  America  at  a  time  when 
emigration  had  just  commenced,  and  when  the  journey  was  beset 
with  many  dangers  and  difficulties,  excited  very  general  interest. 
Upon  his  return  Lenau  was  looked  upon  as  a  man  who  had  done 
something  very  extraordinary.  This  journey  made  him  known 
apart  from  his  writings.  It  was,  therefore,  not  unnatural  that 
when  Kiirnberger,  in  beginning  a  novel  which  was  to  show  the 
dark  side  of  American  life,  should  be  attracted  by  the  experi- 
ences of  Lenau,  who  had  been  singularly  unfortunate  in  his 
American  journey. "^"^  ~ — — ~— — ~-~>_ 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  there  was  any  personal  friendship 
l^etween  the  two  authors,  nor  is  there  any  political  connection. 
The  reason,  then,  why  Kiirnberger  selected  Lenau  as  his  model 
must  be  sought  elsewhere.  Anton  Schlossar,^  one  of  Kurnber- 
^er's  friends,  has  written  the  following  on  this  point :  "  Es  wird 
allgemein  angenommen  dasz  Kiirnberger  in  seinem  Helden, 
Nicolaus  Lenau  zeichnen  wollte,  dies  ist  nur  bedingungsweise 
richtig ;  wahrend  der  Abfassung  des  Werkes  dachte  der  Verfasser, 
wie  er  sich  selbst  auszerte,  nicht  an  den  oesterreichischen  Dichter, 
dessen  trauriges  Geschick  gerade  zu  jener  Zeit  besonders  Auf- 
sehen  in  Deutschland  machte.  Kiirnberger  wurde  nur  vom 
Verleger  des  Buches  ersucht,  demselben  noch  jene  Ziige  einzu- 
weben,  die  an  Lenau  erinnern  und  diesen  als  Helden  des  Romans 
errathen  lassen,  was  um  so  zutreffender  ist,  als  Lenau  ja  bekannt- 
lich  auch  von  Europa  fiir  kurze  Zeit  nach  Amerika  gezogen  war." 

According  to  this  it  would  seem,  then,  that  when  Kiirnberger 
began  to  write  the  book  he  did  not  intend  to  portray  Lenau. 
This  plan  was  not  adopted  until  later,  and  then  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  publisher. 

There  is  no  reason  why  this  statement  should  not  be  accepted 
as  true.  Schlossar,  in  compiling  the  sketch  of  Kiirnberger,  was 
assisted  by  those  who  had  been  most  intimately  associated  with 


^  Allgemeine  Deutsche  Biographic,  vol.  XVII,  p.  412. 


38  Ferdinand  Kiirnberger's  "  Der  Anierikamudey 

our  author.  He  was,  therefore,  in  a  position  to  speak  more 
authoritatively  on  this  point  than  any  one  else. 

This  statement  that  the  introduction  of  Lenau  into  the  book 
was  an  after-thought,  is,  however,  also  made  elsewhere,  so  that  it 
is  safe  to  assume  that  this  represents  the  true  state  of  the  case. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  why  Kiirnberger  should  at  once  comply 
with  the  request  of  his  publisher.  It  would  have  been  difficult 
to  find  a  subject  likely  to  attract  greater  attention  at  this  time. 
The  tragic  features  of  Lenau's  insanity  had  contributed  greatly 
to  the  knowledge  which  the  general  public  had  in  regard  to 
him.  Reports  were  circulated  from  time  to  time  that  he  was  on 
the  point  of  recovery.  These  reports  were  frequently  exag- 
gerated, but  still  they  were  widely  read.  The  natural  outcome 
of  this  was  that  Lenau  became  one  of  the  most  talked-about 
men  in  Germany.  Many  people  who  did  not  know  him,  through 
his  poetry,  now  read  about  him  daily.  This  public  interest  was 
kept  up  for  some  time  after  he  was  confined  in  the  asylum  ;  nor 
did  it  stop  until  his  death  in  1850.  A  short  time  after  this 
Kiirnberger  began  his  work. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  state  that  the  parallelism  between 
lycnau  and  Moorfeld  was  recognized  everywhere  by  the  readers 
of  Der  Amerikatnude. 

It  is  known  that  Berthold  Auerbach  also  at  one  time  intended 
to  write  a  novel  on  the  basis  of  Lenau's  experiences  in  America.^ 
Freiligrath's  fragment,  Der  Ausgewanderte  Dichter^  suggests 
also  Lenau.     Whether  Anastasius  Griin  (Graf  Auersperg)  was 


^  Cf.  "  Nicolaus  Lenau,  Erinnerung  und  Betrachtung,"  von  Berthold  Auerbach, 
Wien  1876,  p.  16  :  "Ich  trug  mich  damals  mit  einem  Plane  zu  einem  Romane, 
Die  Auswanderer.  Lenau  nahm  innigen  Antheil  an  meinen  Darlegungen  und 
versprach  mir  ausfiihrliche  Schilderung  seiner  Fahrten  und  Abenteuer,  wogegen 
ich  ihm  versprach  ihn  selber  zu  einer  Figur  des  Romans  zu  niachen,  wie  er  den 
Bauem  auf  dem  SchifFe  Geige  spielt  und  zur  Mythe  in  den  neuen  AnsiedUingen 
in  den  Urwaldem  vvird.  Es  war  lustig,  wie  er  sich  in  dieser  Rolle  gefiel  und 
sich  als  Mythus  ausmalte,  wobei  er  seine  Gestalt  und  seine  Mienen  seltsam 
ausstaffirte.  Emptindlich  betroffen  war  er  aber,  als  ich  ihm  vorhielt,  er  sollte 
statt  schon  bereitete  Stoffe  wie  Faust  und  Don  Juan  aufnehmen— die  im  Pro- 
ducierenden  wie  in  Aufnehmenden  immer  gegen  Reminiscenzen  zu  kampfen 
haben — seine  Amerikafahrt  dichterisch  ausgestalten." 


T.  S.  Baker.  39 

indebted  to  Lenau  for  any  of  the  material  which  he  used  in  the 
American  part  of  his  poem,  "  Schutt,"  it  is  impossible  to  say, 
but  it  seems  probable  in  view  of  his  close  relations  with  Lenau/ 

The  question  that  now  suggests  itself  is,  where  did  Kurn- 
berger  get  his  information  concerning  Lenau  ?  Because  it  was 
generally  known  that  there  existed  in  Der  Anierikamude  a  par- 
allelism between  Moorfeld  and  Lenau,  it  has  frequently  been 
supposed  that  Moorfeld's  adventures  in  America  were  the  same 
as  those  of  Lenau.  In  other  words,  that  Der  Amerikaniude  was 
Dichtuiig  ttnd  Wahrheii  from  Lenau's  American  journey.^ 

Indeed,  there  is  a  series  of  articles  in  the  Deiitscher  Pionier 
entitled,  "  Irrfahrten  zweier  deutschen  Dichterfiirsten  nach 
Amerika.  Nicolaus  Lenau  als  Pionier  Ohios"  by  Emil  Klau- 
precht,  in  which  Der  Amerikaniude  is  treated  literally  as  Lenau's 
autobiography.  In  describing  Lenau's  journey  the  author, 
Klauprecht,  has  taken  page  after  page  from  Der >  Amerikaniude 
and  published  them  as  extracts  from  Lenau's  own  Tagebuch. 

An  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  circumstances  connected  with 
Lenau's  stay  in  America  has  made  it  possible  that  such  mistakes 
as  these  should  pass  unnoticed.  It  is  now  possible  to  decide  how 
far  Kiirnberger  has  drawn  upon  events  in  Lenau's  life  and  what 
part  of  the  work  is  pure  fiction. 

As  has  been  stated  above  there  was  no  personal  relationship 
between  Lenau  and  Kiirnberger,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  Kiirnberger  had  any  information  not  contained  in  what 
had  already  been  published.  The  best  and  only  complete  life 
of  Lenau,  namely  Schurz's  Lenaus  Leben^  was  not  published 
until  1855,  t^^  same  year  in  which  Der  Amerikamiide  made  its 


^  Cf.  also  Adolph  Pichler,  Deutsche  Auswanderer,  Fragmente  aus  einer  gros- 
zeren  Dichtung.     Lenau,  pp.  39-44. 

■^  Even  so  reliable  an  editor  as  Max  Koch  says,  on  page  24  of  the  introduction 
to  Lenau's  Werke  in  the  Deutsche  National-Litteratur  Edition:  "Ferdinand 
Kiirnberger's  lebensvoller  Roman  '  Der  Amerikamude-Amerikanisches  Kultur- 
bild,  Frankfort,  1855,'  schildert  in  dem  Haiipthelden  Doctor  Moorfeld,  Lenaus 
Empfindungen  ziemlich  genau  auf  Grund  frei  erfundenen  Erlebnisse.  Obwohl 
die  Beziehungen  auf  Lenau  erst  spater  in  den  Roman  eingefiigt  worden  sein 
sollen,  kann  man  Kiirnbergers  gehaltvolle  Dichtung  doch  fast  als  Dichtung 
und  VVahrheit  aus  Lenaus  Amerikareise  bezeichnen." 


40  Ferdinand  Kurnberger' s  "  Der  Amerikamudey 

appearance,  and,  as  Kiirnberger's  studies  for  his  American  novel 
had  been  going  on  for  several  years  before  he  began  to  write,  it 
is  not  likely  that  he  had  access  to  this  work.  This  view  is 
further  strengthened  when  the  novel  is  compared  w4th  the  real 
state  of  things  in  Schurz's  book.  The  discrepancies  and  con- 
tradictions in  Kiirnberger's  statements  make  it  almost  impossible 
that  he  could  have  borrowed  from  this  work.  The  books  which 
were  published  before  1855,  containing  biographical  material, 
are  Frankl's  Zur  Biographic  Nikolaus  Lenaus^  Wien,  1854,  and 
Karl  Mayer's  Nicolaus  Lenaits  Bt'iefe  an  eitien  Freund^  Stuttgart, 
1853.  The  first  of  these  books  contains  nothing,  whatever,  that 
bears  specifically  upon  Lenau's  American  journey,  and  in  Mayer's 
collection  of  letters,  although  there  is  much  information  con- 
cerning his  preparations  for  the  voyage,  there  are  but  a  few  very 
brief  extracts  from  two  letters  written  by  Lenau  in  America. 
It  is,  therefore,  apparent  that  Kiirnberger  could  have  drawn  but 
little  from  these  sources.  One  is,  therefore,  forced  to  conclude 
that  whatever  information  he  may  have  had  concerning  Lenau, 
must  have  been  common  property.  Kiirnberger  could  not  have 
expected  that  his  book  should  give  a  complete  and  accurate 
account  of  Lenau  in  America — the  readers  of  this  novel  have 
seen  more  of  the  poet  in  it  than  the  author  ever  intended. 

The  chief  parallelism  between  Doctor  Moorfeld  and  Lenau 
consists  in  the  fact  that  they  are  both  poets  who  came  to  America 
in  search  of  inspiration  and  subjects  for  literary  work. 

Lenau  had  studied  medicine.  Moorfeld  was  a  physician. 
They  both  buy  farms  in  America,  but  here  the  comparison  fails. 
In  the  first  place  Moorfeld's  attitude  towards  America  is  that  of 
the  most  radical  of  the  Young  German  writers.  His  political 
interest  in  America — his  interest  in  America  as  the  home  of  a 
new  German  civilization  far  outweighed  the  poetic  interest  he 
felt.  Lenau,  on  the  contrary-,  came  here  for  artistic  develop- 
ment.    Politics  was  in  no  way  a  determining  factor.^ 

Furthermore,  Moorfeld  lands  in  New  York  and  remains  in 


1  Max  Koch  says,  p.  46  of  the  Introduction  to  Lenau's  Werke:  "Entschieden 
feindUch  war  er  (Lenau)  dem  jungen  Deutschland  gesinnt." 


T.  S.  Baker.  41 

that  city  for  some  time.  From  New  York  he  proceeds  to  Ohio, 
passing  through  Philadelphia,  Harrisbujg  and  Pittsburg.  From 
Pittsburg  he  goes  on  toward  Ohio,  and  finally  purchases,  under 
rather  peculiar  circumstances,  a  farm  near  New  Lisbon,  Ohio. 

Lenau  landed  in  Baltimore,  and  after  a  short  stay  in  that  city 
proceeded  to  Pittsburg,  stopping  at  Economy  and  Bedford,  and 
finally  bought  a  farm  in  the  northwestern  part  of  Pennsylvania. 
He  visited  New  Lisbon,  Ohio,  but  did  not  purchase  any  land 
there.^  Moorfeld  also  takes  possession  of  his  farm.  Lenau,  on 
the  other  hand,  never  spent  any  time  on  the  land  which  he 
purchased. 

From  these  great  discrepancies  it  is  evident  that  Kiirnberger 
was  either  ignorant  of  the  real  circumstances  of  Lenau's  journey 
or  purposely  deviated  from  the  true  state  of  the  case.  The 
former  of  these  views  is  much  the  more  probable. 

The  second  reason  why  Der  Amerikamiide  possesses  more 
than  a  transient  interest  is  the  "  Doctrinaire  "  spirit  in  which  it 
was  written.  At  this  time  the  novel  and  the  short  story  ^  were 
being  developed  and  extensively  employed  in  Germany,  because 
it  was  possible  to  introduce  insidiously  into  these  forms  of  liter- 
ature   considerable   doses   of   radicalism.       Der  Amerikamiide 


^  Kiirnberger  is  by  no  means  the  only  one  who  believed  that  Lenau  bought  a 
farm  near  New  Lisbon,  Ohio.  Nearly  all  writers  on  Lenau  have  fallen  into 
this  error. 

*  Proelsz  (Das  junge  Deutschland,  Stuttgart,  1S92,  p.  6),  rebels  against  the 
way  in  which  novels  and  other  lighter  forms  of  literature  are  treated  by  literary 
historians.  ' '  Diese  Aufsatze,  Reisebilder,  Novellen,  Romane,  was  haben  sie 
fur  einen  asthetischen  Werth,  sagte  bisher  der  Literarhistoriker,  der  unter 
*  Literatur '  nur  Werke  der  poetischen  Kunst  versteht.  In  politischer  Beziehung, 
meinetwegen,  da  mogen  sie  wichtig  sein.  Fiir  mein  Fach  aber — nicht  der  Rede 
werth  !  Und  auf  der  andern  Seite  der  gelehrte  Staatshistoriker  :  Vom  literar- 
ischen  Werthe  dieser  Schriften  will  ich  nicht  reden,  das  ist  nicht  meines  Faches; 
in  politischer  Beziehung  aber — blinder  Larm, — diese  Schriftsteller  hatten  keinen 
nachweisbaren  Einflusz  auf  die  Geschichte.  Und  doch  gehoren  diese  halbver- 
schollenen  Werke  zu  den  wichtigsten  literarischen  Denkmalem  der  gahrenden 
Friihzeit  unserer  politischen  Reife  zum  Reich,  einer  Friihzeit,  in  der  auch  auf 
dem  Gebiete  des  sozialen  Lebens,  der  Kunst,  der  Wissenschaft  und  des 
Verkehrswesens  der  brausende  Keimwind  einer  neuen  Zeit  fiir  Deutschland 
diejenigen  Ideen  zu  knospender  Entfaltung  brachte,  deren  Bliithen  und  Friichte 
dem  nun  zur  Riiste  sich  neigenden  Jahrhundert  seinen  Charakter  verliehen." 


42  FerdinaJtd  Kurnberger's  ^^  Der  Anierikamudey 

belongs  to  this  class  of  writings.  The  chief  doctrine  of  the 
book  is  that  the  United  States  must  sooner  or  later  succumb  to 
the  superior  culture  of  Germany,  in  other  words  be  eventually 
germanized.  In  this  opinion  Kiimberger  was  by  no  means 
alone.  The  whole  school  of  Young  Germany  considered 
America  the  place  for  attempting  all  sorts  of  political  extrava- 
gances. Kiirnberger  therefore  in  writing  this  book  merely  gave 
expression  in  a  popular  form  to  a  wide-spread  feeling.  It  is 
only  necessary  to  cite  two  passages  to  show  the  radical  nature 
of  Kiirnberger's  views.  The  first  of  these  is  put  into  the  mouth 
of  Moorfeld,  page  465  (Reclam  Edition). 

"  Die  Sieger  von  Teutoburg,  die  zweimal  Rom  iiberwunden, 
sollen  deutsches  Geisterbanner  auf  Washingtons  Kapital  pflanzen. 
Die  neue  Welt  ist  ihnen  gegeben,  wie  die  alte.  Voran, 
deutsche  Jungfrau,  heilige,  weihe !  Du  leidest  fiir  dein  Volk  ; 
du  bist  Deutschland  !  armes,  frommes,  miszhandeltes  Kind,"  etc. 
And  again,  page  553,  this  is  spoken  by  Benthal : 
"  Von  der  Idee  sind  wir  wohl  beide  zuriickgekommen,  das 
Deutschthum  auf  den  Pflug  zu  griinden.  Sie  sehen,  wie's  geht 
damit.  Tausende  von  Bauern,  Tausende  von  Handwerkern 
konnen  wir  ins  Land  werfen,  und  sie  werden  immer  eine  Seiten- 
stellung  einnehmen.  Ein  einziger  Bankdirector,  ein  einziger 
Groszhandlungschef  aus  unserem  Volke  ist  ein  starkerer  Keil 
unserer  Macht  als  Massen  von  niitzlichen,  aber  verachteten 
Zeloten  ....  O  diese  Yankees !  Wir  miissen  sie  in  ihrer 
hochsteu,  heiligsten  Citadelle  beschleichen,  in  ihrer  Borse.  .  .  . 
Ein  Quadratfusz  an  diesem  Herde  ist  mehr  werth  als  eine  halbe 
Million  acres  in  Missouri." 

These  passages  might  be  multiplied  indefinitely  but  it  is  quite 
unnecessary,  since  the  whole  book  is  written  in  this  vein. 
These  are  merely  rather  highly  colored  statements  of  theories 
which  find  utterance  in  every  part  of  the  book  in  a  less  violent 
manner. 

Der  Amerikamude  is  called  by  the  author  an  Amerikanisches 
Kulturbild.  It  might  more  properly  be  called,  perhaps,  a  series 
of  Kulturbilder^  for  the  plot  of  the  book  is  slight  and  only  serves 


T.  S.  Baker.  43 

as  the  thread  upon  which  are  strung  a  miscellaneous  collection 
of  stories,  told  usually  to  illustrate  some  political  or  literary- 
theory  of  the  author.  Kiirnberger  never  hesitates  to  break  the 
thread  of  the  story  to  philosophize  upon  quite  irrelevant  subjects. 
The  form  of  the  novel  lent  itself  more  easily  to  what  Kiirnberger 
had  in  mind,  than  a  book  of  travels  or  a  series  of  essays  upon 
the  different  phases  of  American  life.  In  some  cases  even 
characters  are  introduced  to  illustrate  some  principle  or  to 
combat  one. 

The  book  as  a  literary  production  is  not  a  great  one.  Lorm 
thinks  it  Kiirnberger's  weakest  production.  There  is  no  simi- 
larity, whatever,  between  this  novel  and  the  stories  of  Sealsfield 
and  Gerstacker.  An  interesting  comparison  could  be  made 
between  Der  Amerikamiide  and  Dickens'  Martin  Chuzzlewit 
and  his  American  Notes. 

Although  the  knowledge  shown  by  Kiirnberger  is  quite 
wonderful,  nearly  everything  in  the  book  is  colored  by  his  own 
peculiar  "  Young  German  "  theories.  Various  phases  of  Ameri- 
can life  are  dwelt  upon  at  great  length.  For  example,  the 
subject  of  camp  meetings  is  the  occasion  of  much  comment. 
The  severe  criticism  of  this  peculiar  American  institution  is 
explained  in  part  by  the  opposition  of  the  German  immigrants 
to  what  they  called  "  Puritanismus."  ^ 

One  of  the  most  noteworthy  principles  of  "  Young  Germany  '* 


^  At  a  meeting  of  the  German  Social  Democratic  Association,  of  Richmond, 
Virginia,  in  Richmond,  in  1852,  the  following  resolutions  were  passed  : 

"  Reform  in  the  laws  of  the  General  Government,  as  well  as  in  those  of  the 
States,  demand :  (i)  Universal  suffrage ;  (2)  The  election  of  all  officers  by  the 
people  ;  (3)  The  abolition  of  the  Presidency,  etc." 

"  Reform  in  the  foreign  relations  of  the  Government ;  (i)  Abolition  of  all 
Neutrality  ;  (2)  Intervention  in  favor  of  every  people  struggling  for  liberty." 

What  is  most  interesting  in  this  connection — "  Reform  in  what  relates  to 
religions:  (i)  A  more  perfect  development  of  the  principle  of  personal  freedom 
and  liberty  of  conscience  ;  consequently, — (a)  Abolition  of  laws  for  the  observ- 
ance of  the  Sabbath ;  {b)  Abolition  of  prayer  in  Congress ;  (c)  Repeal  of  all 
laws  enacting  a  religious  test  before  taking  an  office ;  Taxation  of  all  church 
property  ;  A  prohibition  of  incorporations  of  all  church  property — in  the  name 
of  ecclesiatics  ;  Reform  in  the  social  condition,"  etc. 


44  Ferdinand  Kurnberger' s  "  Der  Amerikamiidey 

was  opposition  to  Christianity.  This  showed  itself  in  America 
in  various  forms.  Attempts  were  made  to  found  a  party  which 
should  have  for  its  object  the  abolition  of  "  Puritanismus  "  and 
slavery. 

The  camp-meetings  came  to  be  considered  one  of  the  most 
violent  and  ungenuine  forms  of  puritanical  Christianity.  Be- 
sides the  fact  that  they  were  so  novel  to  the  Germans  caused 
them  to  assume  a  position  in  the  eyes  of  the  foreigners  that 
their  importance  and  comparative  infrequency  did  not  warrant. 
Nearly  all  books  of  travel  written  by  Germans  on  America  con- 
tain lengthy  descriptions  of  these  camp-meetings.  Even  the 
letters  written  to  the  weekly  and  monthly  papers  in  Germany 
were  not  complete  unless  these  American  woods-meetings  were 
referred  to.  Kiirnberger,  therefore,  was  not  at  a  loss  for  material 
in  treating  them  in  his  novel.  He  recognized  also  that  they 
offered  excellent  opportunities  for  scoffing  at  Christianity  in 
general,  and  more  specifically  at  the  insincerity  of  American 
Christianity.  Accordingly,  one  of  these  meetings  is  made  the 
scene  of  one  of  the  most  tragic  crises  in  the  novel. 

Other  phases  of  American  life  are  treated  at  length — seldom, 
however,  without  some  reason,  other  than  the  mere  desire  to 
promote  the  dramatic  interest  of  the  novel.  The  volunteer  fire- 
department  affords  him  a  chance  to  show  his  most  sincere  con- 
tempt for  American  life.  In  the  forties  and  fifties  and  even  much 
later  fires  were  almost  always  the  occasions  for  street  fights,  and 
in  the  excitement  which  followed  the  hatred  towards  the  for- 
eigners generally  showed  itself.  Frequently  the  houses  of  the 
Germans  were  stormed,  the  inhabitants  pelted  and  driven  out, 
so  that  fires  became  very  serious  events  to  the  unoSending  for- 
eigner. This  condition  of  afiairs  is  taken  up  by  Kiirnberger  and 
severely  satirized. 

Other  topics,  which  are  treated  at  length,  might  be  mentioned 
in  this  connection,  but  sufficient  has  been  said  to  show  that 
there  is  always  some  occasion  fi^r  Kiirnberger's  satire. 

This  chapter  then  forms,  in  a  certain  way,  the  point  of  depart- 
ure for  the  study  of  the  whole  work.     Chapter  one  supplies  the 


T.  S.  Baker.  45 

information  that  is  necessary  to  understand  Kiirnberger's  relation 
to  Lenau,  while  Chapter  three  shows  the  far  reaching  conse- 
quences of  the  theories  put  forth  in  "Z>^r  Amerikamudgy 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


Allgemeine  Deutsche  Biographie.    Leipzig,  1833.     Vol.  17,  pp.  412- 

416. 
Blatter  fiir  Literarische   Unterhaltung.      Leipzig,  Jahrgang  1864,  p. 

588,  f. 
Deutsche  Zeitung.     Wien,  October,  1879. 
Die  Donau. — 1855,  Literarisches  Beiblatt,  p.  137. 
Rudolph  Gottschall. — Die  Deutsche  Nationallitteratur  in  der  ersten 

Halfte  des  neunzehnten  Jahrhunderts,   Zweite  Auflage.   Breslau, 

1 86 1.     Vol.  2,  p.  344. 
Heimgarten. — Graz,  1880.     Vol.  5. 
Kiirnberger. — Lowenblatt,  Novelle  aus  dem  Nachlasz  des  Dichters, 

hrsg.  von  Wilhelm  Lauser,     Dresden,  H.  Minden. 
Lorm. — Westermann' sIllustrirteMonatshefte  hrsg.  von  Fr.  Spielhagen, 

January,  1880.     Article  on  Kiirnberger. 
Abendblatt  zur  Neuen  MUnchener  Zeitung,  1856.    Nr.  84  and  85. 
Novellen-Zeitung.     Leipzig,  1856.     Nr.  13,  p.  207. 
Der  Oesterreichische  Volkskalender  "Austria."     Wien,  1840-1859. 
Proelsz. — Das  Junge  Deutschland.     Stuttgart,  1892. 
Prutz. — Die  Deutsche  Literaturgeschichte  der  Gegenwart.     Leipzig, 

1870. 
Scheyer. — Die  Schriftsteller  Oesterreichs  in  Reim  und  Prosa  auf  dem 

Gebiete  der  schonen  Litteratur.     Wien,  1858,  p.  568. 
Schiitze. — Deutschlands  Dichter  und  Dichterinnen  von  den  altesten 

Zeiten  bis  auf  die  Gegenwart.     Berlin,  1862,  p.  190. 
Wiener  Zeitung. — Abendblatt.     Nr.  221,  p.  2022,  1867. 
Das  Neue  Wiener  Tageblatt. — October,    1879.      In  which  appeared 

various  articles  at  the  time  of  Kiirnberger's  death. 
Wurzbach. — Biographisches  Lexikon  des   Kaiserthums  Oesterreich. , 

Wien,  1865.     Vol.  13,  pp.  330-332. 


AMERICA   AS   THE   POLITICAL   UTOPIA   OF 
YOUNG   GERMANY.^ 


America  from  the  time  of  its  discovery  has  stood  for  personal 
liberty.  Whenever  intolerance  in  the  Old  World  became  insuf- 
ferable, it  appeared  as  a  land  where  oppression  was  impossible. 

The  use  of  the  word  europamude  in  the  thirties  and  forties 
at  once  implies  the  existence  of  a  country  where  the  weary 
European  might  rest  from  the  difficulties  which  beset  him  at 
home.  No  extended  discussion  is  therefore  necessary  to  show 
that  the  United  States  was  the  land  of  promise  to  the  over- 
burdened European. 

At  this  time  politics  was  the  theme  which  occupied  the  minds 
of  the  thinking  public  in  Europe.  Literature  had  become  the 
handmaid  of  political  propagandism.^  In  Germany  the  school 
of  "  Das  junge  Deutschland"  had  full  sway,  and  as  this  school 
had  for  its  prime  object  the  spreading  of  political  theories,  it  is 
impossible  to  study  this  period  without  treating  historical  ques- 
tions as  well  as  purely  literary  problems.  The  interest  which 
the  "  Young  Germans"  felt  in  the  cause  of  freedom  was  to  a 
great  extent  romantic.^     They  were  interested  in  an  abstract 

^  Reprint,  No.  7,  from  Americana  Gennanica  (Vol.  I,  No.  2). 
^  "  Sonnetchen  an  Amanda 
So  leiern  wir  nicht  mehr, 
Es  ward  zur  Propaganda 
Das  deutsche  Dichterheer." 
Sallets  Gesammelte  Gedichte ;  Konigsberg  1843,  p.  309. 
^  Cf.  Proelsz,  Das  junge  Deutschland,  StuUgart  1892,  p.  45.     "  Dasz  die  Auf- 
fassung  der  Griechen  und  Polen  sowie  der  Tiroler  unter  Hofer  als  Freiheits- 
kampfer  zumeist  eine  romantische  war,  entsprach  ebenso  der  Bildung  der  Zeit, 
wie  das  romantische   Hinauspilgern  deutscher  Freiheitschwarmer  zur  Theil- 
nahme  an  den  Kampfen  fremder  Nationen,  fiir  deren  politische  Freiheit,  zu 
welchem   Byron  ein  so  glanzendes   Beispiel  gegeben,   nachdem  schon  1772 
Lafayette  und  Kosciuszko  ahnliches  gethan,  als  die  Wirkung  der  Unabhangig- 
keits  erklarung  von  Amerika  die  Welt  erfiillte,  u.  s.  w." 

Wilhelm  Miiller's  Griechenlieder  Awdi  Platen's  Pc/ifw/^V^^r  are  also  interesting 
in  this  connection. 


T.  S.  Baker.  47 

ideal  of  liberty,  which  appealed  to  their  imaginations  and  not 
altogether  to  their  ideas  of  personal  safety  and  freedom.  This 
was  a  period  of  political  unrest.  Revolutions  were  taking  place 
in  Greece,  Poland,  the  Tyrol,  France  and  Germany.  There  was 
an  almost  universal  opposition  to  the  established  forms  of  govern- 
ment. What  the  effect  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and 
the  American  Revolution  had  been  upon  European  politics,  this 
is  not  the  place  to  inquire,  but  it  is  not  to  be  questioned  that 
these  events  directed  universal  attention  to  America  as  the  seat 
of  political  freedom.^  From  this  time  on  the  United  States 
stood  for  the  highest  condition  of  personal  liberty,^  and  that  the 
ideals  of  "  Young  Germany"  were  influenced  by  the  fact  that  in 
America  the  individual  was  supposed  to  be  absolutely  untram- 
meled  seems  probable.  Wienbarg,  who  gave  the  name  to  this 
new  school  lived  in  Altona  near  Hamburg,^  the  most  important 
port  in  Germany  for  the  American  trade. 

Besides  this  general  influence  of  American  politics  and  life 
upon  the  European  ideals  of  liberty,  America  seemed  to  be  also 


'  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  during  the  war  of  the  American  Revolution 
Klinger  meditated  coming  to  America.  Cf.  Klinger  in  der  Sturm-  und  Drang- 
periode  von  Max  Rieger.  Darmstadt,  1880,  p.  398  ff.  It  is  also  noteworthy 
that  the  scene  of  Klinger's  drama  "Sturm  und  Drang"  is  laid  in  America. 
Note  also  the  plan  of  Wagner  and  Heinse  to  emigrate  at  this  time. 

*  America  as  the  seat  of  real  freedom  is  treated  poetically  in  Anastasius 
Griin's  (Graf  Auersperg)  Schutt,  which  is  characterized  as  follows  by  R.  Gott- 
schall,  Die  Deutsche  Nat.  lit.  des  igten  Jahrhunderts,  vol.  III,  p.  97  : 

"  Die  dritte  Abtheilung  des  Schutt:  '  Cincinatus '  eroffnet  uns  transatlantische 
Perspectiven,  von  den  Triimmern  Pompeiis,  von  der  verschiitteten  und  aus- 
gegrabenen  Vergangenheit  hinaus  in  die  Urwalder  des  fernen  Amerikas  in  das 
Asyl  jugendlicher  Freiheit,  in  welches  alle  fliichten  sollen,  denen  die  heimath- 
liche  Erde  vergallt  ist.  Dort  ist  die  schopferische  Kraft  der  Arbeit,  die  eine 
neue  Zukunft  griindet,  wahrend  in  Italiens  Ruinen  nur  der  Miisziggang  und  die 
Genuszsucht  haust." 

^  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  in  certain  respects  Hamburg  was  the  chief  city  for 
the  "Young  German"  agitation.  The  firm  of  Hoffman  &  Campe  which 
published  most  of  the  writings  of  the  members  of  this  school  was  located  in 
Hamburg. 

The  parents  of  Ludolph  Wienbarg  expected  to  send  their  son  to  America, 
and  his  education  was  conducted  with  a  view  to  his  being  adopted  by  a  rich 
uncle  in  Baltimore. 


48  Young   Germany  in  America. 

a  place  where  it  was  possible  to  put  into  execution  plans  and 
theories  which  were  impossible  in  Europe  on  account  of  the 
interference  of  the  governments. 

Owing  to  the  great  extent  of  territory  included  in  the  United 
States  and  because  it  was  supposed  in  Europe  that  the  American 
governments  offered  no  opposition  to  the  most  radical  schemes, 
this  country  was  looked  upon  as  a  land  where  anything  that  was 
opposed  officially  in  Europe  would  be  permitted.  Already  in 
the  eighteenth  century  the  attempt  of  Coleridge  and  Southey  ^ 
to  found  a  "  pantisocracy"  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehanna 
was  an  illustration  of  this  tendency  to  regard  America  as  the 
land  where  all  Utopian  schemes  were  in  order.  The  colonies  of 
Owen  and  Rapp  are  also  cases  in  point.  Later  the  plan  of 
Cabet  ^  to  found  a  Utopia  in  Illinois  attracted  great  attention, 
especially  among  the  working  men  of  Paris. 

The  contrast,  noticeable  in  the  differences  existing  between 
the  characters  of  the  Europeans,  and  especially  of  the  Germans 
and  Americans,  is  shown  also  in  the  fact  that  nearly  all  the 
schemes  which  had  for  their  object  the  improvement  of  man- 
kind and  the  promotion  of  happiness,  came  from  Europe. 
Though  America  was  the  land  selected  for  the  realization  of 
these  dreams,  Americans  as  a  rule  took  but  little  interest  in  all 
these  undertakings.  In  studying,  therefore,  the  history  of  the 
relations  of  the  German  immigrants  and  the  native  Americans, 
it  is  important  to  keep  in  mind  these  two  fundamental  differ- 
ences in  the  characters  of  the  two  nationalities,  which  were  here 
again  brought  face  to  face  after  a  separation  of    1500   years.* 

^  Cf.  Joseph  Cottle's  Reminiscences  of  Samuel  Taylor  Coleridge  and  Robert 
Southey.    New  York,  1847,  p.  16  ff. 

*  Cabet's  plan  was  in  accordance  with  the  teachings  of  Fourier.  In  1842  he 
published  his  work  Voyage  en  Icarie  which  immediately  attracted  widespread 
attention.  For  reviews  of  this  book,  see  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  Ixxxiii,  1S48, 
p.  165  fF.  M.  J.  A.  Bradford,  Christian  Examiner,  vol.  liii,  1852,  p.  372  ff. 
Note  also  Etienne  Cabet,  Colonie  oder  Republik  Icarien,  Nauvoo,  Illinois,  1853  ; 
Etienne  Cabet,  Fortschritt  der  Colonie  Icarien,  Nauvoo,  Illinois,  1854. 

^  Cf.  Koerner,  Das  Deutsche  Element  in  Amerika :  "Die  beiden  verwandten 
germanischen  Stamme,  der  Angelsachsische  und  der  Deutsche,  treffen  sich  nach 


T.  S.  Baker.  49 

The  American  was  above  all  things  practical  and  realistic,  while 
the  German  was  the  dreamer,  the  idealist.^  This  contrast  will 
explain  many  of  the  failures  with  which  the  plans  of  Germans 
met  and  also  in  part  the  opposition  to  the  immigrants,  which 
soon  after  began  to  develop. 

The  beginning  of  the  immigration  to  America  on  a  large  scale, 
that  is  about  the  year  1 831,  is  to  be  attributed  to  two  causes. 
The  first  of  these  was,  of  course,  the  political  disturbances.  The 
second  was  the  publication  of  Gottfried  Duden's  Bericht  von 
einer  Reise  nach  den  westlichen  Staaten? 

As  a  result  of  the  July  Revolution  in  France,  there  arose  in 
Germany  a  demand  for  greater  privileges,  which  showed  itself 
in  the  uprisings  in  the  Rhenish  Palatinate  in  May,  1832,  and  in 
Frankfurt  and  Oberhessen  in  1833.  The  immediate  cause  of 
these  difficulties  was  the  so-called  "  Bundestags  Ordonnanzen"  of 
the  year  183 1.  The  disorders  were  soon  suppressed,  but  the 
bitterness  felt  at  the  abolition  of  the  old  inherited  rights  was  so 
great,  that  only  a  slight  impetus  was  necessary  to  produce  the 
great  tidal  wave  of  emigration  which  followed.^     This  impulse 

fiinfzehnhundertjahriger  Trennung  wieder  auf  dem  amerikanischen  Kontinent, 
zur  gemeinsamen  Arbeit,  zur  Erweiterung  des  Reiches  der  Freiheit.  Der 
Deutsche  giebt  sein  reiches  Geistes-  und  Gemiithsleben  zu  den  Kulturelementen, 
welche  sich  auf  dem  Boden  der  neuen  Welt  frei  vermahlen  und  stets  hohere 
Bildung  erzeugen. 

1  Cf.  Julius  Frobel,  Die  Deutsche  Auswanderung  und  ihre  Culturhistorische 
Bedeutung  :  Funfzehn  Brief e  an  den  Herausgeber  der  Allgemeine  Auswander- 
ungs  Zeitung.  Leipzig,  1858,  p.  34.  "  Der  anglo-amerikanische  Realismus  und 
der  deutsche  Idealismus  sind  die  zwei  culturhistorischen  Gegensatze,  in  der  sich 
das  historische  Bewusztsein  unserer  Zeit  ausgespitzt  hat." 

"^  The  full  title  of  the  book  is,  Bericht  uber  eine  Reise  nach  den  westlichen 
Staaten  Nord-Amerikas  und  einen  mehrjdhrigen  Aufenthalt  am  Missouri  in 
denjahren  1824,  1825, 1826, 1827  in  Bezug  auf  Auswanderung  und  Ubervolke- 
rung ;  oder,  Das  Lebenim  Innern  der  Veteinigten  Staaten  und  dessen  Bedeu- 
tung fur  die  hausliche  und  politische  Lage  der  Europaer,  dargestellt ;  a,  in 
einer  Santmlung  von  Brief  en ;  b,  in  eincr  Abhandlung  iiber  den  politischen 
Zustand  der  Nord  Amerikaner ;  c,  in  einem  Nachtrage  fiir  auswandernde 
deutsche  Ackerwirthe  und  Diejenigen  welche  auf  Handelsunternehmungen 
denken  von  G.  D.,  2te  Ausgabe.    Bonn,  1834. 

3  Nile's  Register,  Dec.  r,  1832,  p.  216,  "  In  the  Cassel  Advertiser  oiOcioht^r 
6,  there  are  many  announcements  of  the  sale  of  mills,  lands,  etc.,  belonging  to 
persons  who  intend  to  emigrate  in  the  Spring  to  North  America." 

5 


50  Young  in    Germany  America, 

was  supplied  by  Duden's  book  which  appeared  first  in  1829.     ^^ 
went  through  three  editions  :   1829,  ^^34  and  1853,  respectively. 

In  the  year  1824  Duden  had  left  his  home  in  Bonn  accom- 
panied by  a  young  student,  Louis  Bversmann  by  name,  to  take 
up  his  abode  on  the  banks  of  the  Missouri.  At  this  time  few 
persons  in  Europe  had  ever  heard  of  this  river,  so  that  the  un- 
dertaking was  one  of  considerable  magnitude.  He  landed  in 
Baltimore  and  continued  his  journey  to  the  West  along  the 
famous  National  Road,  which  extended  as  far  as  Wheeling. 
From  here  the  journey  was  made  down  the  Ohio  River  to  the 
Mississippi,  and  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Missouri.  After  a 
stay  of  three  years  in  America  he  returned  to  his  old  home,  where 
the  book  was  published,  which  may  be  regarded  as  having  caused 
the  beginning  of  the  enormous  latter-day  German  emigration  to 
America.  The  work,  in  the  form  of  letters,  was  written  in  a 
somewhat  "  doctrinaire"  vein. 

It  was  Duden  who,  in  a  time  of  universal  discontent  and  un- 
certainty, directed  the  attention  of  the  German  masses  to  the 
western  parts^  of  the  American  Union,  which  were  being  settled 
just  at  that  time.  His  presentation  was  glowing  in  the  ex- 
treme. In  fact,  his  book  must  have  been  largely  the  product  of 
his  own  imagination  rather  than  the  calm  statement  of  actual 
conditions.  In  Missouri  it  was  possible,  according  to  him,  to 
live  with  very  little  exertion.  There  are  wonderful  descriptions 
of  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  of  the  abundance  of  game,  and  then 
the  idea  of  personal  independence  was  emphasized  very  strongly 
in  his  work. 

This  romantic  and  poetic  side  of  the  book  made  it  all  the 
more  attractive  to  the  minds  of  the  readers,  and  when  it  is  re- 
membered that  Duden  was  supposed  to  be  a  thoroughly  trust- 
worthy man — a  man  who  had  enjoyed  a  university  education, 

^  Cf.  Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  I,  p.  244.  "Und  (Duden's)  Einflusse 
hauptsachlich  ist  es  zuzuschreiben  dasz  nach  1830  tausende  unserer  Landleute 
in  Ohio,  Missouri,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  etc.,  sich  niederlieszen  und  daselbst 
die  Grander  des  seitdem  so  machtig  und  einfluszreich  gewordenen  Deutschthums 
wurden."  Cf.  also  articles  in  vol.  vi  and  vii  of  Der  Deutsche  Pio7iier,  on 
Zwei  Agitatoren  der  Auswanderung ;  Gottfried  Duden  und  Franz  Joseph  Stallo. 


T.  S.  Baker.  5^ 

had  served  creditably  in  the  army,  and  had  occupied  important 
positions  in  the  Prussian  civil  service,  the  attention  which  his 
utterances  attracted  does  not  seem  strange. 

The  radical  tendencies  of  the  book  were  also  quite  in  conso- 
nance with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  so  that,  besides  being  important 
for  the  study  of  the  history  of  the  early  German  emigration  to 
America,  here  are  to  be  found  many  of  the  germs  of  the  curious 
doctrines  held  by  most  of  the  immigrants  regarding  the  future 
of  the  German  race  in  America. 

The  current  of  immigration  thus  begun  continued  with  such 
force,  and  at  the  same  time,  with  such  uniformity,  that  soon,  to 
the  German  idealist,  it  seemed  as  though  his  race  had  a  political 
mission  here  in  the  New  World  to  perform.  Visions  of  a  new 
fatherland,  without  the  oppression  and  misery  of  the  Old  World, 
rose  before  his  eyes.  How  could  the  crude  Americans  hope  to 
cope  with  the  civilization  and  culture  of  one  of  the  foremost 
nations  of  Europe?  Such  questions  as  these  the  enthusiastic 
immigrant  asked  himself  and  his  imagination  did  the  rest.  The 
whole  New  World  seemed  to  be  at  his  feet  only  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  a  race  whose  education  and  intelligence  would  make  it 
the  worthy  possessor  of  this  land  of  promise. 

The  great  body  of  immigrants  consisted,  to  be  sure,  of  peas- 
ants and  members  of  the  middle  classes,  but  along  with  these 
was  a  large  proportion  of  men  of  intelligence — university  men, 
who,  because  of  some  political  offence,  had  been  compelled  to 
flee  the  country,  and  who,  in  fleeing,  naturally  thought  of  the 
United  States  as  a  safe  place  of  refuge.  These  political  refugees 
were  the  leaders  of  thought,  the  men  who  controlled  and  directed 
the  unthinking  peasants.  They  are  the  ones  who  are  responsible 
for  the  various  "  doctrinaire"  schemes  which  already  in  the  thir- 
ties begin  to  show  themselves  in  different  parts  of  the  United 
States.  The  leaders  seem  to  have  been  thoroughly  imbued  with 
the  spirit  of  opposition  to  all  forms  of  established  government. 
This  state  of  mind  had  been  produced  by  their  long-continued 
animosity  towards  the  existing  condition  of  affairs  in  Germany. 
They  were  above  all  things  intriguers.     It  seemed  impossible 


52  Young  Germany  in  America. 

for  them  to  keep  quiet  in  a  political  sense.  One  would  have 
supposed  that  when  they  came  to  America,  where  there  was  no 
oppression  to  fight  against,  their  opposition  would  have  been 
disarmed,  and,  to  be  sure,  in  the  end  this  is  what  really  did 
occur,  not,  however,  until  they  had  worn  themselves  out  in 
planning  tremendous  political  undertakings  which  aroused  little 
interest,  except  among  their  own  numbers.  The  nature  of  these 
plans  will  be  discussed  later  on,  but  for  the  present  it  is  sufficient 
to  note  that  America  was  at  this  time  the  place  where  all  enter- 
prises, which  were  impossible  in  Europe,  were  attempted. 

It  is  further  necessary  to  emphasize  the  difference  which  exists 
between  the  immigrants  of  that  period  and  those  of  to-day. 
Political  disturbances  had  caused  a  stream  of  emigrants  to  come 
to  America,  who  were  to  a  large  extent  political  agitators.  In 
leaving  home  they  merely  changed  the  base  of  their  operations. 
The  agitation  and  opposition  continued  in  America  as  it  had 
existed  in  Germany.  To-day  the  emigrant  has  not  the  same 
stock  of  political  opinions  concerning  America  which  his  father 
held  fifty  or  sixty  years  ago.  Whatever  may  be  his  state  of  mind 
regarding  the  mission  of  the  Germans  in  the  United  States,  his 
statements  are  not  so  confident,  nor  are  they  so  numerous,  as  was 
the  case  from  1830  to  1850.  The  immigrants  also  found  much 
encouragement  in  the  fact  that  in  the  past  German  attempts  at 
colonization  had  been  extremely  successful,  and,  indeed,  in  the 
face  of  much  more  formidable  opposition  than  was  offered  them 
in  this  country.^  The  attitude  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States  towards  the  immigrants  was  at  first  extremely  friendly.^ 

^  Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  ii,  p.  51 :  "  Das  Deutschthum  hat  iiberall  in  der 
Fremde  ein  zahes  Leben  geoffenbart,  Frankreich  hat  es  in  Hunderten  von  Jah- 
ren  nicht  in  Lothringen  und  im  Elsass  unterdriicken  konnen,  die  Magyaren,  die 
selbstsiichtigste  Nation  von  der  Welt,  haben  es  in  Siebenbiirgen  nicht  bemeis- 
tern  konnen,  die  Slaven  ostlich  von  der  Elbe  haben  seinem  Andrangen  nicht 
zu  widerstehen  vermocht.  Im  heutigen  Schlesien,  Brandenburg,  Mecklenburg 
und  Preuszen  leben  Millionen  Deutsche  von  undeutscher  Abstammung.  Warum 
sollte  das  Deutsche  Element  hier  in  Amerika,  wo  es  sich  nunmehr  ungehindert 
entwickeln  kann,  untergehen?  " 

^  Niles'  Register,  Sept.,  1832,  Feb.,  1833,  vol.  vii.  Fourth  Series,  page  40. — 
"  The  Emigration  from  Europe  in  the  present  season  appears  much  greater 


T.  S.   Baker.  53 

They,  however,  occasionally  interposed  a  warning  objection 
when  the  talk  of  new-comers  became  too  violent  or  too  patron- 
ising. Not,  however,  until  the  rise  of  know-nothingism,  which, 
to  be  sure,  was  in  part  the  result  of  the  violent  talk  of  the 
foreigners,  did  the  Americans  show  any  real  opposition  to  the 
coming  of  the  Europeans. 

It  is  now  necessary  to  discuss  the  two  great  currents  of  immi- 
gration which  are  important  for  this  study — important  chiefly 
from  the  fact  that  the  impetus  of  both  of  them  is  to  be  found 
in  political  conditions.  They  are  the  migrations^  of  1832  and 
those  of  1848.  The  immigrants  of  these  two  different  periods 
present  certain  contrasts,  but  they  are  for  the  most  part  governed 
by  the  same  general  conditions.     In  the  case  of  the  "  Achtund- 

than  ever  it  was  before.  It  already  much  exceeds  100,000  persons,  say  50,000 
or  more  via  Quebec  and  the  remainder  by  the  way  of  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Baltimore,  etc.  At  the  two  last  named  places,  and  especially  Baltimore  very 
many  Germans  have  arrived — hardy,  healthy  and  evidently  industrious,  the 
most  of  whom  seem  to  possess  means  of  conveying  themselves  into  the  interior, 
where  they  will  soon  be  among  the  most  valuable  of  our  citizens.  They  have 
lots  of  hearty  children,  and  it  is  very  interesting  to  contemplate  a  family  group 
of  these  strangers  preparing  for  a  start  westward.  Some  brought  their  own 
wagons  and  harness  with  them.  They  are  all  plainly  clad  in  the  costumes  of 
their  country,  but  their  clothes  are  good  and  strong  without  rents  and  well 
taken  care  of.  They  differ  as  much  from  the  loads  of  English  paupers,  which 
are  sometimes  shovelled  upon  us,  as — we  want  a  comparison — as  the  luscious 
peach  differs  from  the  bitter  Indian  turnip.  And  besides  these  Germans  will 
work  and  support  themselves,  not  fill  up  our  poor  houses."  And  again  p.  68. 
"  The  York  (Pa.)  Republican  speaking  of  the  large  number  of  Germans  who 
have  lately  passed  through  that  borough  on  their  way  to  the  immeasurable  West 
says  :  "  We  learn  that  the  increasing  prospect  of  internal  commotion  in  the  Ger- 
man Empire  is  the  main  cause  of  this  emigration.  The  farmers  say  that  all 
they  raised  would  not  pay  the  impost  levied  upon  them.  We  are  further 
informed  by  some  of  the  most  intelligent  that  it  is  calculated  not  less  than 
80,000  are  now  moving  and  preparing  to  depart  for  this  country.  Let  them 
come — they  are  an  industrious  and  moral  race,  and  will  do  well  here.  We 
rejoice  that  our  country  presents  a  haven  where  the  weary  and  oppressed  even 
in  this  world  may  have  a  rest." 

^  Cf.  Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  vi,  p.  17.  Articles  entitled  :  "  Volkerwan- 
derung  und  Auswanderung.  Kulturhistorische  Parallelen  iiber  die  Frage : 
Sind  Wanderungen  nach  Amerika  und  Australien  eine  Volkerwanderung  oder 
nicht?"  In  these  articles  the  emigration  to  America  is  compared  with  the 
*' Volkerwanderungen"  of  the  Celts,  Huns,  Goths,  Vandals  and  Franks. 


^4  Young  Germany  in  America. 

vierziger,"  however,  the  same  theories  were  carried  to  greater 
excesses  than  with  those  who  had  come  earlier.  Both  at  first 
regarded  their  stay  in  America  as  temporary.  They  wished  to 
gain  a  basis  of  operations  from  which  they  could  work  upon 
Germany.  With  this  in  mind  the  earlier  immigrants  founded 
the  society  Germania  *  in  New  York,  the  object  of  which  was 
to  furnish  the  exiles  an  opportunity  for  keeping  together,  so  that 
as  soon  as  the  troubles  in  Germany  should  again  commence  they 
might  hasten  back  home  and  begin  again  the  fight  against  the 
governments. 

As  in  the  East,  so  in  the  West,  especially  in  Indiana  and  Ohio, 
the  necessity  for  organization  was  felt  among  the  Germans,  and 
as  a  result  of  this  feeling  the  "Deutsche  Gesellschaft"  was 
founded  in  Cincinnati  in  July,  1834.  Its  declared  object  was  as 
follows :  "  Damit  wir  als  Biirger  der  Vereinigten  Staaten  den- 
jenigen  Antheil  an  der  Volksherrschaft  nehmen  konnen,  den 
uns  Pflicht  und  Recht  gebieten."  In  1836,  in  Philadelphia, 
another  society  was  formed :  "  Zur  Unterstiitzung  politischer 
Fliichtlinge,  welche  aus  der  Schweiz  vertrieben,  in  London  zum 
Theil  in  bitterster  Armuth  lebten  und  Mittel  suchten  fiir  ihre 
Ueberfahrt  nach  Amerika."^  The  Gutenbergfest,  June,  1840, 
also  afforded  an  opportunity  to  the  Germans  in  America  to  show 
that  there  still  existed  a  feeling  for  the  Fatherland  in  their  new 
homes.     This  day  was  celebrated  in  Philadelphia,  Richmond, 


^  Koerner,  Das  Deutsche  Element,  p.  108.  The  object  of  the  Society 
"Germania  "  founded  on  the  24th  of  January,  1835,  as  contained  in  its  constitu- 
tion was  as  follows ; 

"  Die  in  den  Vereinigten  Staaten  von  Amerika  wohnenden  Deutschen  enger 
zu  vereinigen,  um  einen  kraftigen  deutschen  Character,  gute  deutsche  Sitten 
und  deutsche  Bildung  zu  erhalten  und  zu  befordern,  die  Prinzipien  einer  reinen 
Demokratie  im  neuen  Vaterland  zu  unterstiitzen,  die  Liebe  und  Anhanglichkeit 
zum  alten  Vaterland  zu  nahren,  und  mit  dahin  zu  arbeiten,  dasz  sobald  als 
moglich  auch  in  Deutschland  ein  besserer  Zustand  herbeigefiihrt  werde,  dem 
ahnlich,  dessen  man  sich  in  den  Vereinigten  Staaten  erfreut,  und  deutsche 
politische  Fliichtlinge  mit  Rath  und  That  zu  unterstiitzen."  The  society  appears 
openly  for  the  first  time  on  the  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the  Fourth  of 
July  of  the  same  year.     It  attracted  widespread  attention. 

*  Cf.  Koerner,  Das  Deutsche  Element,  p.  76. 


T.  S.  Baker.  55 

Cincinnati,  and  in  Canton,  Ohio.  The  great  Hamburg  fire  in 
1842  also  called  forth  much  sympathy  in  America,  a  committee 
being  appointed  in  Philadelphia  to  collect  funds  for  the  relief 
of  the  sufferers. 

The  enthusiasm  for  the  struggles  in  the  Fatherland,  however, 
soon  began  to  cool.  The  new-comers  became  so  much  interested 
in  the  wonderful  business  activity  of  the  United  States  that  they 
were  gradually  swallowed  up  in  it,  so  that  their  interest  in  what 
was  going  on  in  Europe  was  soon  lost.  They  became  successful 
merchants,  manufacturers,  editors,  physicians,  and  even  lawyers. 
This  cooling  off  in  their  patriotism  was  also  caused  partly  by 
the  fact  that  the  excitement  had  partially  subsided  in  Germany. 
Although  the  oppression  continued,  the  resistance  was  kept  down 
so  firmly  that  it  was  felt  to  be  impossible  to  accomplish  anything. 
For  several  years,  therefore,  before  the  arrival  of  the  "  Achtund- 
vierziger"  business  interests  had  so  occupied  the  attention  of  the 
German- Americans  that  they  almost  lost  sight  of  what  was  going 
on  in  the  Fatherland. 

Accordingly,  when  the  "  Achtundvierziger"  came,  bringing 
with  them  radical  theories  in  regard  to  the  position  due  the 
Germans  in  America,  they  were  in  many  instances  received 
coldly,  and  sometimes  with  hostility.  They  had  left  their 
homes  as  political  fugitives,  and  in  coming  to  America  had  ex- 
pected to  be  received  with  open  arms  by  the  Germans,  and  to  be 
treated  as  martyrs  to  the  sacred  cause  of  liberty.  They  were, 
to  a  large  extent,  men  of  education,  but  entirely  unpractical. 
The  hardships  of  a  pioneer's  life  were  unsuited  to  their  former 
manner  of  life.  Many  of  them  were  unable  to  adapt  themselves 
to  their  new  surroundings  and  were  compelled  to  accept  what- 
ever offered  itself  as  a  means  of  support.  Some  went  into  news- 
paper work,  and  it  is  at  this  period  that  many  of  the  German- 
American  newspapers  were  founded. 

The  "  Achtundvierziger"  ^  looked  upon  the  Germans  who  had 

^  It  is  necessary  to  remember  that  the  name  "Achtundvierziger"  is  applied  not 
only  to  those  who  came  m  the  year  1848,  but  also,  to  those  coming  in  the  next 
few  years.  As  a  matter  of  fact  only  a  few  of  the  so-called  "Achtundvierziger  " 
came  in  this  year.  Not  until  the  years  1850  and  1851  did  the  number  of  exiles 
become  large. 


5^  Young  Germany  in  America. 

come  before  them  as,  to  certain  degree,  traitors  to  the  cause  of 
German  liberty.  They  had  become  entirely  too  good  Americans, 
and  had  almost  given  up  their  nationality.  Two  parties  were 
formed.  The  "  Zweiunddreisziger"  were  dubbed  "  Die  Grauen" 
and  the  "  Achtundvierziger"  "  Die  Griinen."  The  "  Grauen" 
refused  to  allow  themselves  to  be  treated  as  school  boys  by  the 
"Griinen,"  so  the  relations  between  the  two  parties  became 
strained.  Concessions  were,  however,  in  time  made  on  both 
sides. 

The  forty-eighters  acknowledged  the  immense  diflSculties  with 
which  those  had  been  compelled  to  contend  who  had  come  when 
the  country  was  in  an  entirely  uncultivated  condition.  While 
the  other  party  recognised  the  spirit  animating  the  new-comers^ 
and  felt  that  the  German-Americans  would  later  be  grateful  to 
them  for  their  efforts  to  awaken  interest  in  culture  in  the  New 
World.2 

The  "Achtundvierziger"  were  even  to  a  less  degTree  bona  fide 
residents  of  the  United  States  than  those  who  had  come  over  in 
1832  and  the  following  years.  Arrived  here  they  waited  from 
month  to  month  expecting  new  outbreaks^  in  Europe  which 
would  make  it  possible  for  them  to  return  and  to  recomm.ence 
their  opposition  to  the  governments.     They  regarded  their  stay 


^  Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol  v,  p.  102,  ff.  "Diese  (/.  e.  die  'Achtundvierziger') 
brachten  nicht  die  Sucht  nach  Gelderwerb,  sondern  sie  brachten  Ideen  und 
kulturhistorische  Bestrebungen  auf  amerikanischen  Boden  mit.  Mag  das  Ziel, 
fiir  dessen  Erreichung  die  deutsche  Jugend  Freiheit,  Blut,  Leben  und  das 
Aufenthaltsrecht  im  Vaterlande  opferte,  zu  weit  gesteckt  gewesen  sein,  die 
Bewegung  von  1848  hat  dennoch  den  Anstoss  zu  neuem  Aufleben  der  erschlafF- 
ten  deutschen  Nation  in  beiden  Welten  gegeben." 

"^  Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  ix,  p.  59.  "Alles  was  die  Deutschen  hier 
besitzen,  unsere  Presse,  taglich,  wochentlich,  monatlich,  unser  Vereinswesen, 
unsere  Turn-  Schiitzen-  und  Gesang-vereine,  unsere  Biihne  und  unsere  Bildungs- 
anstalten,  ist  zum  groszten  Theil  das  Werk  der  Achtundvierziger.  .  .  .  Mit 
den  Achtundvierzigem  geht  die  Bliithezeit  des  Deutsch- Amerikanischen  Lebens 
dahin,  und  nach  dem  gibt  es  nur  ein  rascheres  oder  langsameres  Sterben,  wenn 
nicht  unvorhergesehene  auszere  Umstande  eintreten  und  der  ganzen  Sachc 
einen  neuen  Geist  und  neuem  Leben  den  Impuls  verleihen." 

'  Many  of  those  who  had  come  over  in  the  thirties  hastened  back  when  the 
•disturbances  of  the  year  1848  became  known  in  America. 


T.  S.  Baker.  57 

"here  as  merely  transient,  and  hence  they  opposed,  strenuously, 
all  efforts  which  tended  to  make  them  less  German. 

The  widespread  interest  in  revolutionary  attempts  in  Europe 
among  the  German-Americans  made  them  believe  that  it  was 
possible  to  obtain  moral  and  even  more  substantial  support^ 
here  in  America.  The  news  of  the  outbreak  of  the  February 
Revolution  and  of  the  uprisings  in  Germany  which  followed  it 
was  received  with  very  great  enthusiasm  in  many  parts  of  the 
United  States.  In  St.  Louis,  on  the  15th  of  April,  1848,  a  large 
mass  meeting,  presided  over  by  Dr.  George  Engelman,  was  held 
before  the  court-house — it  having  been  impossible  to  secure  a 
hall  large  enough  to  hold  everybody  who  wished  to  attend. 
Speeches  were  made  by  several  of  the  most  prominent  Germans 
in  the  city  and  committees  on  finance  and  for  the  dissemination 
of  information  were  appointed.  The  mayor  and  the  city  council 
were  asked  to  assist  in  arranging  a  great  demonstration  at  first 
set  for  April  20th,  which  was,  however,  not  held  until  the  26th. 
All  nationalities  living  in  the  city — French,  Italians,  Poles,  Irish 
and  Americans  took  part  in  it,  but  the  moving  spirits  were  for 
the  most  part  Germans.  It  was  one  of  the  most  elaborate  affairs 
that  had  ever  been  arranged  in  St.  Louis.  The  German  mili- 
tary companies  and  singing  societies,  together  with  several  Irish 
and  Roman  Catholic  societies,  formed  a  procession  in  the  morn- 
ing, which  passed  through  the  principal  streets,  and  the  festivi- 
ties were  concluded  in  the  evening  with  a  torchlight  procession. 
A  similar  demonstration  was  also  held  in  Buffalo. 

The  Pittsburg  Courier  oi  the  3d  of  May,  1848,  gives  a  lengthy 
account  of  the  founding  of  a  "  Republikanischer  Freiheitsverein" 
in  Pittsburg.  A  largely  attended  meeting  was  held  at  the  court- 
house, at  which  prominent  German  citizens  delivered  speeches 
upon  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Europe.^     Still  another  demon- 

1  Immediately  after  the  announcement  of  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolution 
of  1848  in  Germany,  societies  were  formed  in  Louisville  and  elsewhere  for  the 
support  of  the  fugitives. 

■^  The  following  resolutions  were  passed:  "i.  Beschlossen:  dass  die  Deutschen 
in  und  um  Pittsburg  einen  Verein  griinden,  welcher  den  Namen  fiihre,  '  Repu- 
blikanischer Freiheits-Verein.'  Der  Zweck  des  Vereins  ist :  Unsere  deutschen 
Briider  zur  Erlangung  ihrer  Freiheit  in  der  Weise  zu  unterstiitzen, — 


/^   Of  THl         ^ 


58  Young   Germany  in  America. 

stration  was  held,  and  this  time  in  Cincinnati.^  A  permanent 
organization  was  effected,  officers  being  elected  and  committees 
appointed.  At  this  meeting  resolutions  were  passed  asking 
"Das  Deutsche  Liebhaber  Theater"  and  the  "  Liedertafel"  to 
give  performances  for  the  benefit  of  what  was  called  the  "  Revo- 
lutionscasse."  It  was  furthermore  decided  to  ask  permission  to 
take  up  collections  in  the  churches.  This  was  actually  done  on 
the  four  Sundays  following  the  meeting.  In  addition  to  this 
"  Die  deutschen  Frauen  und  Jungfrauen  wurden  gebeten,  eine 
schwarz-roth-goldene  Fahne  anzufertigen,  die  dann  dem  ersten 
deutschen  Freistaate  zugeschickt  werden  soUte."  ^ 

On  the  1 2th  of  January  of  the  year  following  a  fair  was  held 
in  Cincinnati  to  raise  money  to  aid  the  revolutionary  movements 
that  were  then  taking  place  in  Germany.  In  this  undertaking 
the  women  were  chiefly  active.  In  January  of  the  same  year 
in  Belleville,  111.,  a  bazaar  was  also  held  for  this  purpose. 
Another  society  was  founded  in  Glasgow,  Mo.,  on  the  15th  of 
February,  1849,  which  was,  however,  not  so  important  as  those 
above  mentioned,  formed  in  the  larger  cities. 

These  demonstrations  and  the  formation  of  societies  show 
that  there  still  existed  among  the  Germans  in  America  an  in- 
terest in  the  affairs  of  the  Fatherland  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
they  had  given  up  a  great  many  of  their  most  radical  theories, 
and  had  devoted  themselves  to  business  pursuits  rather  than 
politics.  It  was,  therefore,  natural  that  the  "  Achtundvierziger,"" 
in  hearing  of  the  enthusiasm  which  the  events  in  Europe  called 
forth,  supposed  that  their  arrival  in  America  would  be  looked 


a.  dass  solche  politische  Fliichtlinge  Deutschlands  welche  als  kiihne  und 
thatige  Verfechter  der  Freiheit  bekannt  sind,  und  die  der  ferneren  Thatigkeit 
entbehren,  und 

b.  dass  die  hilflosen  Hinterbliebenen  der  fur  die  Freiheit  Gefallenen  unter- 
stiizt  werden.  MiUel  zu  obigem  Zwecke  .  .  .  Griindung  eines  Fonds.  i.  Durch 
Collection  bei  der  Massenversammlung.  2.  durch  Sammeln  von  Unterschriften 
Solcher,  welche  einen  periodischen  (z.  b.  monatlicher)  beliebigen  Beitrag: 
liefern." 

^  Cf.  Der  Deutsche  Honier,  vol.  v,  p.  55,  ff. 
"  Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  v,  p.  52. 


T.  S.  Baker.  59 

forward  to  with  pleasure.  As  has  been  shown  they  were  disap- 
pointed in  that  they  were,  in  certain  quarters,  received  coldly. 
Nevertheless,  many  circumstances  seemed  to  contribute  to  in- 
crease the  confidence  of  the  new  comers  in  the  belief  that  the- 
time  was  peculiarly  appropriate  for  the  carrying  out  of  radical 
plans  in  America.  Not  only  were  the  Germans  in  America  in- 
terested in  the  success  of  the  revolutions  in  Europe,  but  also  the 
native  Americans  showed  very  great  enthusiasm  in  this  direc- 
tion. A  wave  of  revolutionary  zeal  swept  over  the  United 
States  beginning  early  in  the  forties  and  continuing  through  the 
decade  into  the  fifties.^  The  Hungarian  struggle  for  indepen- 
dence was  watched  with  great  interest  in  the  United  States.  .  .  . 
The  Americans  seemed  to  see  in  this  a  repetition  of  their  fight 
against  England.  The  enthusiastic  reception  given  Kossuth,  in 
1 85 1  and  1852,  was  also  occasioned  by  this  feeling.  Besides, 
the  Polish  refugees  were  treated  very  handsomely  by  the  Amer- 
icans.^ In  fact,  so  much  interest  had  been  shown  by  the  Amer- 
icans in  the  Poles  and  Hungarians  that  the  Germans  ventured 
to  ask  Congress  for  a  land  grant  upon  which  they  might  found 
a  state  where  all  the  exiles  could  assemble  in  safety.  This  peti- 
tion was,  however,  not  granted. 

Another  remarkable  event  as  showing  the  interest  among  the 
Germans  in  the  revolutionary  cause  at  home  was  the  tour  of 
Gottfried  Kinkel  through  the  United  States.  This  journey  was 
undertaken  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  money  for  the  support 
of  the  revolutionists  at  home.  Although  it  was  not  so  successful 
as  had  been  expected,  a  considerable  amount  of  money  was  ob- 

'  Cf.  Von  Hoist  Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  iii,  p.  556. 
"The  ideal  impulse  that  ran  through  Europe  in  1843  had  found  a  sympathetic 
disposition  of  mind  in  the  United  States.  As  then,  after  a  short  time  the  reaction 
gained  a  preponderance,  so  here,  too,  a  strong  opposition  soon  set  in.  Peo'ple 
it  is  true,  continued  to  hold  forth  violently  about  European  tyrants,  bade  the 
fugitives  heartily  welcome  and  f^ted  the  Hungarian  champions  of  liberty  in 
particular  in  an  absurd  and  almost  unworthy  fashion,  but  a  materialistic  spirit 
was  taking  possession  of  daily  wider  circles  of  the  people — a  spirit  that  readily 
allowed  twice  two  to  be  three  in  matters  of  ideal  interest  provided  it  could 
make  twice  two  five  where  material  interests  were  concerned." 

"^  A  land  grant  was  offered  the  Polish  refugees  by  Congress,  but  it  was  declined. 


6o  Young   Germany  in  America. 

tained.  Kinkel  had  hoped  to  revolutionize  Germany  by  means 
of  a  two  million  loan. 

Encouraged,  therefore,  by  the  great  interest  among  the  Ger- 
mans in  revolutionary  undertakings  and  by  the  lenient  and 
somewhat  careless  attitude  of  the  Americans,  the  "  Achtund- 
vierziger,"  soon  after  their  arrival  in  America,  began  to  lay 
plans  for  the  founding  of  a  new  home  that  should  have  all  the 
blessings  of  the  old  Fatherland,  at  the  same  time  doing  away 
with  its  grievances  and  faults.  They  confidently  believed  that 
sooner  or  later  the  United  States  would  be  Germanized.  This 
was  to  be  accomplished  in  two  ways  :  First,  from  the  intellectual 
superiority  of  the  Germans,  it  was  supposed  that  the  native 
Americans  would  not  be  able  to  resist  them.^  Second,  they 
proposed  to  found  German  states  in  different  parts  of  the  United 
States,  and  with  these  as  centres  to  act  upon  the  surrounding 
territory  and  gradually  to  bring  it  under  the  German  sway. 

According  to  the  former  of  these  plans  the  conquest  of  America 
would  at  first  be  intellectual,  and  proceeding  from  this,  political. 
The  process  of  Germanization  would  be  somewhat  slow,  but 
none  the  less  sure.  An  anonymous  correspondent  from  America 
of  the  Gartenlaube  for  1856,  page  109,  in  article  on  "  Die  Deut- 
schen  in  America"  in  discussing  this  subject,  makes  the  following 
statement :  "  Die  deutschen  Familien  mit  ihren  gesellschaftlichen 
Turn-  Musik-  und  Gesangfesten  wirken  unter  diesen  Amerikanern 
bios  dadurch,  dasz  sie  unter  ihnen  leben  als  Missionare.  In 
Amerika  wird  das  Germanenthum  seine  Mission  am  ersten  erfiil- 
len,  weil  es  hier  die  meisten  Vertreter  und  Streiter  findet.  Diese 
Mission  erfiillt  sich  ohne  Aufsehen  sicher,  ununterbrochen  durch 
bloszes  deutsches  Leben,  Arbeiten,  Produciren,  Essen  und  Trin- 
ken,  Wirthschaften,  Turnen  und  Tanzen,  durch  gedrucktes,  ge- 
sungenes  und  gesprochenes  Wort.  Diese  Art  der  Wirksamkeit 
ist  unscheinbar,  unmerklich,  unbesiegbar,  nicht  durch  einzelne 


^  Cf.  The  New  Rome  or  The  United  States  of  the  World  by  Charles  Goepp 
and  Theodor  Poesche.  "Their  {i.  e.  the  Germans)  duty  is  that  of  the  exile 
of  Constantinople  after  its  destruction  by  the  Ottomans  :  The  Revival  of  letters 
in  the  West. 


T.   S.  Baker.  6i 

Anstrengungen  und  Siege  auf  welche  eine  Niederlage  folgen 
konnte." 

The  second  and  more  important  way  of  Germanizing  America 
was  by  founding  states  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States, 
and,  proceeding  from  these  states  as  centers,  it  was  expected  that 
in  time  the  whole  country  would  be  won.  Were  these  colonies 
to  become  states  in  the  Union,  or  were  they  to  be  independent  ?  ^ 
It  will  be  shown  in  some  cases  it  was  expected  that  they  would 
be  incorporated  in  the  American  Union,  but  for  the  most  part  it 
was  proposed  to  make  them  independent.  At  first  these  plans 
had  been  elaborated  in  Germany  ;  soon,  however,  in  the  larger 
cities  of  the  United  States  similar  schemes  were  discussed,  and 
in  some  cases  attempted.  The  most  important  of  the  early 
societies  formed  for  founding  German  states  was  the  "  Giessener 
Auswanderungs  Gesellschaft."  ^    This  association  was  formed  in 


^  Cf.  Niles  Register,  p.  148;  "  Wholesale  Emigration.  The  Stuttgart  Uni- 
versal Gazette  of  September  2nd,  announces  that  a  plan  is  in  progress  in  the 
southwest  of  Germany,  to  make  up  a  state  and  ship  it  over  to  the  United  States 
to  become  a  twenty-fifth  member  of  the  confederacy.  The  following  notice  of 
the  project  appears  in  that  publication  :  '  According  to  accounts  from  the  south- 
west of  Germany  a  society  of  liberal  men  are  organizing  a  grand  plan  for  emi- 
grating to  North  America. 

The  emigration  has  hitherto  been  precarious  because  it  did  not  rest  on  any 
solid  foundation  and  because  the  means  were  not  concentrated.  But  now  it  is 
different,  as  the  object  is  to  form  a  New  Germany  beyond  the  ocean,  which  is 
to  receive  all  those  whose  hopes  and  claims  to  liberty  and  right  are  disappointed 
in  old  Germany.  In  order  to  be  admitted  into  the  confederation  of  the  United 
States  of  America  the  law  requires  the  number  of  free  inhabitants  above  25 
years  of  age  to  be  60,000  and  this  number  is  to  be  assembled  before  any  further 
measures  can  be  taken.  Many  of  the  Germans  established  in  North  America 
will  join  their  countrymen  and  the  plan  is  so  popular  in  Germany  that  scarcely 
any  doubts  are  entertained  of  its  being  successful. 

We  shall  bid  them  welcome  when  they  arrive,  but  the  idea  of  forming  a  state 
is  chimerical  and  would  be  injurious  on  many  accounts.  There  is  a  mistake  as 
to  the  number  of  persons,  etc.,  required  to  form  a  state  which  also  cannot  be 
formed  unless  after  passing  through  a  territorial  government,  etc." 

^  "  Die  Bildung  eines  deutschen  Staates,  der  natiirlich  ein  Glied  der  Vereinig- 
ten  Staaten  werden  miiszte,  doch  mit  Aufrechterhaltung  einer  Staatsform, 
welche  das  Fortbestehen  deutscher  Gesittung,  deutscher  Sprache  sichert  und 
ein  achtes  freies  und  volkstiimliches  Leben  schafft." 

The  above  is  stated  as  the  object  of  the  Giessener  Gesellschaft  as  contained 


62  Young  Germany  in  America, 

Giessen  in  the  year  1833.  The  membership  consisted  of  Hes- 
sians, Westphalians  and  inhabitants  of  the  "  Main  Lands"  and 
the  Saxon  duchies.  They  were  for  the  most  part  well-to-do  and 
educated  men.  The  leader  was  Paul  Follen.  Follen  was  one 
of  those  who  had  been  much  disappointed  at  the  result  of  the 
uprisings  in  1833.  In  consequence  of  this  feeling  he  published 
his  "  Aufruf  "  for  a  meeting  of  those  persons  who  were  dissatis- 
fied with  affairs  at  home  and  who  were  willing  to  try  their  for- 
tunes in  the  New  World.  At  the  meeting  which  was  held  an 
emigration  society  was  formed. 

Missouri^  was  selected  as  the  place  of  settlement,  and  two 
members  were  sent  over  to  fix  upon  a  suitable  spot  for  the  pro- 
posed colony.^  Upon  their  return  an  adverse  report  was  made 
and  they  both  refused  to  go  back  to  America.  Follen  was,  how- 
ever, not  discouraged.  He  succeeded  in  getting  together  a  party 
of  over  two  hundred,  and  the  first  section  left  Giessen  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1834,  under  his  leadership.  The  ship  "  Olbers"  had  been 
chartered,  and  the  party  left  Bremen  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
same  month.  On  board  the  ship  dissensions  arose  which  already 
seriously  threatened  the  success  of  the  undertaking.  After  the 
arrival  of  the  party  in  America  these  dissensions  became  more 
violent,  so  that  during  the  journey  to  the  West  a  troop  of  colon- 
ists deserted  at  every  stop.  Those  few  who  got  as  far  as  St. 
'Louis  secured  land  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  city.  Paul 
Follen  bought  the  farm  that  had  been  owned  by  Duden,  where 
he  lived  for  a  long  while.  It  became  necessary  to  give  up  the 
original  intention  of  forming  a  state.      The  party  which  had 


in  a  pamphlet  called  Aufforderung  und  Erktdrung  in  Betreff  einer  Auswan- 
derung  itn  Groszen  aus  Deutschland  in  die  Nordatnerikanischen  Freistaaten. 
Giessen  1833.  Cf.  Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  i,  p.  22.  Koemer,  Das  Deutsche 
Element,  p.  300  ff. 

1  The  selection  of  Missouri  was  due  solely  to  the  influence  of  Duden's  book. 
After  the  arrival  of  the  society  in  America,  the  members  found  that  Duden's 
descriptions  had  been  overdrawn  and  he  is  called  in  the  letters  written  home, 
"Duden  der  Liigenhund." 

*  Cf.  The  plan  of  Lenau  to  come  to  America  in  advance  of  the  emigration 
•society  (of  which  he  was  a  member)  to  select  land. 


T.  S.  Baker,  63 

started  out  from  Germany  became  so  scattered  that  any  attempt 
of  this  kind  was  impossible.  The  whole  enterprise  ended  in 
disaster. 

The  failure  of  this  colony  was  a  great  blow  to  the  progress 
of  the  Germanisation  of  America.^  In  leaving  Germany  they 
had  expected  to  found  in  America  a  "  New  Germany,"  which  at 
first  would  be  one  of  the  United  States,  but  would  still  have 
such  a  form  of  government  as  would  insure  the  preservation  of 
the  German  language  and  the  German  manner  of  life.  Exten- 
sive preparations  had  been  made.^  There  was  no  lack  of  intel- 
ligence, money  or  enthusiasm — the  chief  reason  for  its  failure 
was  the  lack  of  accurate  knowledge  of  America  and  the  romantic, 
rather  than  practical  character  of  the  undertaking. 

A  great  many  other  smaller  societies  ^  were  founded  upon  the 
model  of  the  Giessen  Society,  but  they  met  with  no  more  suc- 
cess. The  colonists  immediately  after  landing  generally  became 
scattered.  Whatever  might  have  been  the  lofty  ideals  of  the 
immigrants  before  leaving  Germany  regarding  their  mission  in 
the  United  States,  as  soon  as  they  landed  every  one  felt  it  im- 
perative to  look  out  for  his  own  interest. 

One  of  the  most  ambitious  of  the  attempts  to  found  a  state 
which  had  their  origin  in  America  was  the  society  founded  in 
Philadelphia  in  1836.  The  following  was  announced  as  its 
object:  "  Einigung  der  Deutschen  in  Nord-Amerika  und  dadurch 
Begriindung  eines  neuen  deutschen  Vaterlandes."    A  preliminary 


^  A  second  company  of  emigrants  was  sent  out  by  this  same  society  later  in 
the  year,  under  the  leadership  of  Friedrich  Miinch.  In  this  party  there  were 
sixty  families,  three  hundred  and  fifty  persons  in  all.  One-half  of  these  were 
from  Thuringia  and  the  other  half  from  Hessen.  After  a  voyage  of  eight  weeks, 
on  the  Ship  "Medora,"  they  arrived  in  Baltimore  in  August,  1834.  They 
arrived  in  St.  Louis  in  September. 

■^  Along  with  a  great  many  useless  things,  a  large  bell  was  brought  which  was 
to  be  hung  in  the  city  hall  of  the  new  city.  This  found  its  resting-place  in  a 
stable.     A  telescope,  which  had  been  brouglit  along,  fared  little  better. 

^  One  of  these  was  the  so-called  "  Rheinhessische  oder  Wormser  Gesellschaft" 
which  settled  in  Arkansas  in  1833.  The  leader  of  the  company  was  the  much 
persecuted  Pfarrer  Klingenhofer.  The  company  consisted  of  about  60  persons. 
It  was  also  short  lived. 


64  Young  Germany  in  America. 

meeting  was  held  in  the  Penn  Hotel,  in  Philadelphia,  on  the  19th 
of  August,  1836,  for  the  purpose  of  organization.  At  a  later 
meeting  officers  were  elected  from  among  the  representative 
German-American  residents  of  the  city.  A  committee  was  ap- 
pointed to  find  a  suitable  site  for  the  proposed  state.  It  was 
decided  to  make  the  society  a  stock  company,  and  in  selling  the 
stock  no  difficulty  whatever  was  experienced.  Very  great  en- 
thusiasm prevailed.  One  of  the  speakers  at  the  meeting  at 
which  the  constitution  was  ratified  is  said  to  have  made  the 
following  remark :  "  Ja  wahrlich  deutsche  Briider,  wenn  je  etwas, 
Groszes  und  Glanzendes  fiir  die  deutsche  Nation  in  diesem  Frei- 
heitslande  entstehen  soil,  so  musz  es  diese  Gesellschaft  werden." 
More  than  twelve  thousand  acres  of  land  were  bought  in  Gas- 
conade County,  on  the  Missouri  River,  and  the  city  of  Hermann 
was  founded.  The  land  that  was  not  occupied  by  the  city  was 
divided  into  farms,  which  were  sold  at  a  moderate  price.  Some 
of  the  settlers  came  in  1837,  but  it  was  not  until  1838  that  the 
great  body  of  colonists  arrived.  In  some  respects  the  affair  was 
a  great  success.  It  was  in  the  first  place  managed  by  men  who 
were  familiar  with  the  business  methods  of  the  United  States. 
This  was  a  decided  advantage  over  the  attempts  which  had  their 
origin  entirely  in  Germany.  Many  found  here  comfortable 
homes  in  a  healthy  and  beautiful  country.  The  political  part 
of  the  original  program,  however,  met  with  no  success,  inasmuch 
as  the  colony  had  no  Germanizing  influence  whatever  outside 
its  own  borders. 

At  this  time  Texas  offered  a  good  field  for  undertakings  of 
this  kind.  The  first  plan  of  German  colonization  in  this  State 
was  the  one  which  had  its  origin  in  New  York  in  1839.  The 
"  Germania"  Society,  on  the  2d  of  November  of  this  year,  sent 
out  from  New  York  a  company  of  130  persons  to  found  a  Ger- 
man state  in  Texas.  The  members  of  this  company  had  pledged 
themselves  to  cultivate  a  tract  of  land  in  common  for  a  period 
of  three  years.  At  the  expiration  of  this  time  the  land  would 
be  divided.  The  voyage  from  New  York  to  Galveston  was  made 
on  the  brig  "  North,"  which  belonged  to  the  Society.    Provisions 


T.  S.  Baker,  65 

to  last  six  or  eight  months  had  been  procured  before  leaving 
New  York,  together  with  all  sorts  of  farming  implements,  etc. 
Shortly  after  the  arrival  the  president  and  several  other  officers 
of  the  Society  fled,  taking  with  them  all  the  money  that  was  in 
the  treasury.  The  success  of  this  undertaking  was  no  greater 
than  those  already  mentioned. 

In  the  year  1841  a  communistic  society  was  founded  in  Phila- 
delphia under  the  leadership  of  Heinrich  Ginal,  a  free-thinking 
clergyman.  It  consisted  of  300  persons  and  was  located  in 
McKean  County,  Pennsylvania.  The  settlement  was  called 
Teutonia.  A  city  was  laid  out,  which  became  known  as  Ginals- 
burg.  Its  growth  was  slow,  and  when  the  colony  went  to  pieces, 
in  1844,  there  were  not  more  than  400  members.  This  scheme 
was,  strictly  speaking,  socialistic  rather  than  political.^ 

The  most  notable  of  these  societies,  both  because  of  its  mag- 
nitude and  because  of  its  official  b  acking,  was  the  so-called 
"  Adelsverein."  This  was  the  first  attempt  that  had  ever  been 
made  to  found  a  German  colony  in  America  under  cificial  pat- 
ronage.^    The  position  of  the  Germ  an  governments  had,  on  the 


^  Cf.  also  Weitling's  Republik  der  Arbeiter  which  had  its  origin  in  New  York. 
Its  object  was  the  emancipation  of  labor  from  capital.  Weitlung  was  editor  of 
the  communistic  journal  Die  junge  Generation.  Cf.  Fenner  von  Fenneberg 
Transatlantische  Studien.     Stuttgart,  1861. 

"  Herr  Wilhelm  Weitling,  friiher  durch  seine  eifrige  Bevorwortung  commu- 
nistischer  Grundsatze  bekannt,  hat  schon  seit  mehreren  Jahren  in  Folge  bitterer 
Erfahrungen,  das  Unhaltbare  solcher  Ideen  erkannt,  und  1st  gegenwartig  ein 
Beamter  in  der  Kanzlei  der  Emigrations-Commission,  und  vertritt  mit  Eifer  die 
Interessen  seiner  Landsleute." 

A  similar  socialistic  society  was  also  started  in  Philadelphia  and  was  to  be 
located  in  Northern  Virginia,  where  a  large  tract  of  land  had  been  bought. 
Cf.  Koerner,  Das  Deutsche  Element,  p.  90,  ff. 

Later  the  "  Ansiedlungsverein  des  Sozialistischen  Turnerbundes  von  Nord- 
amerika"  founded  the  town  of  New  Ulm  in  Minnesota  in  1855.  It  was  to  be  a 
sort  of  socialistic  settlement. 

^  In  the  year  1843  an  attempt  had  been  made  to  found  a  Belgian  and  German 
colony  in  East  Tennessee,  which,  however,  came  to  nothing  because  of  the 
refusal  of  the  Legislature  to  grant  permission.  The  King  of  Belgium  was  at  the 
head  of  this  affair.  This  same  society  founded  later  the  colonies  St.  Thomas 
de  Guatemala  and  St.  Katharina  in  Brazil. 


66  Young  in   Germany  America. 

whole,  not  been  inimical  to  the  emigration  to  America/  although 
they  were  for  a  long  time  at  a  loss  to  know  how  to  turn  it  to 
their  profit.  On  the  20th  of  April,  1842,  an  address  was  issued 
by  Duke  Adolph,  of  Nassau,  and  twelve  other  German  princes 
and  nobles  relative  to  the  founding  of  a  German  colony  in  Texas. 
In  May,  1842,  Graf  Joseph  von  Boos-Waldeck  and  Graf  Victor 
von  Leiningen  came  to  Texas  to  inspect  the  country  and  to  de- 
cide upon  a  suitable  site  for  the  future  settlement.  Boos-Waldeck 
remained  and  founded  the  plantation  "  Nassau,"  on  Jack  Creek, 
while  Leiningen  returned  in  May,  1843,  and  gave  a  favorable 
report  of  the  country. 

As  said  before  Texas  at  this  time  was  peculiarly  suited  to  un- 
dertakings of  this  sort.  It  was  an  independent  state,  very 
sparsely  settled,  and  at  the  same  time  covering  an  immense  ter- 
ritory. The  soil  was  fertile  and  the  climate  delightful.  Every- 
thing seemed  to  contribute  to  make  this  undertaking  successful, 
both  commercially  and  politically.  England  is  said^  to  have 
been  favorably  disposed  toward  the  plan  and  was  ready  to  assist 
with  money.  This  friendliness  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  is 
to  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  British  saw  in  this  an  op- 
portunity for  a  foreign  power  to  gain  a  foot-hold  in  America. 
The  plan  became  widely  known  and  met  with  approbation  in 
all  parts  of  Germany.  It  was  generally  spoken  of  as  the  "  Main- 
zer  Adelsverein."  ^     The  following  were  among  the  members  : 


^  They,  however,  viewed  with  alarm  the  revolutionary  agitation  which  was 
being  continued  in  America  against  the  governments.  On  this  account  the 
circulation  in  most  of  the  German  States  of  Die  Alte  und  Neue  Welt  along  with 
certain  New  York  newspapers  was  forbidden  by  the  censorship.  Cf.  Koerner, 
p.  76. 

*  Eickhoff /«  der  Neuen  Heimat,  p.  325  :  "  England  welches  dem  Anschlusse 
des  Freistaates  an  die  Amerikansche  Union  entgegen  war,  lachelte  ermuthigend 
nach  Mainz  hiniiber  und  wiirde  ohne  Zweifel  das  Unternehmen  mit  Geldmitteln 
unterstiitzt  haben,  wenn  der  Verein  darum  nachgesucht  hatte." 

*  Another  attempt  which  was  made  later  found  a  colony  in  America  with 
official  backing  is  referred  to  as  follows  in  the  Atlantis  for  September,  1858,  p.  235. 

"  In  der  Sitzung  namlich  der  Bundesversammlung  vom  2iten  Februar,  1856, 
stellte  der  Baierische  Gesandte  einen  Antrag  auf  gemeinsame  Organisation  der 
Auswanderung  nach  Gegenden  zu  lenken,  wo  die  Auswanderer  nicht  der  Spe- 


7".  5.  Baker.  67 

Herzog  von  Nassau,  Protector  des  Vereins,  Herzog  von  Mein- 
irgen,  Herzog  von  Coburg-Gotha,  Prinz  von  Preuszen,  der  Land- 
graf  von  Hessen-Homburg,  Der  Fiirst  von  Schwarzburg-Rudol- 
stadt,  Prinz  Moritz  von  Nassau,  der  Fiirst  von  lyciningen,  der 
Fiirst  zu  Neuwied,  der  Fiirst  zu  Solms-Braunfels,  der  Fiirst  zu 
Colloredo-Mansfeld,  der  Fiirst  zu  Schonburg-Waldenburg,  der 
Prinz  Alexander  zu  Solms-Braunfels,  der  Prinz  Carl  zu  Solms- 
Braunfels,  Graf  Neu  Leiningen  Westerburg,  Graf  Friederich  Alt 
Leiningen  Westerburg,  Graf  Victor  Alt  Leiningen  Westerburg, 
Graf  Christian  Neu-Leiningen  Westerburg,  Graf  Hatzfeld,  Graf 
Kuyphausen,  Graf  Ysenburg-Meeholz,  Graf  Colloredo-Mansfeld, 
Graf  Remuesse,  Graf  Lilienberg  und  Graf  Carl  zu  Castell/ 

It  had  been  perceived  that  for  a  long  time,  in  spite  of  the  out- 
pouring of  emigrants  from  all  parts  of  Germany,  no  advantage 
seemed  to  accrue  to  the  mother  country.  Quite  the  contrary, 
immense  sums  of  money  were  leaving  Germany  every  year.  In 
view  of  this  condition  of  affairs  these  noblemen  saw  that  the 
only  way  to  derive  any  advantage  from  the  emigration  was  to 
give  it  the  seal  of  authority,  and,  if  possible,  to  direct  the  whole 
current  to  one  point.  The  movement  had  dissipated  itself  in 
different  parts  of  the  United  States.  If  only  the  different  par- 
ties could  be  combined  and  made  to  see  that  in  union  there  is 
strength,  they  thought  the  prospect  for  the  foundation  of  a  New 
Germany  in  America  would  be  very  good.  On  paper  the  plan 
looked  admirable,  and  it  seems  hard  to  understand  why  it  did 
not  meet  with  a  larger  degree  of  success  than  did  fall  to  it. 

A  tract  of  land  was  bought  from  Henry  Fischer,  who  had 
lived  for  some  time  in  Texas,  and  who  at  this  time  was  the 
Texan  consul  in  Mainz.  The  "  Verein"  promised  free  transpor- 
tation to  the  place  of  settlement,  a  block-house,  and  160  acres 
of  land  for  each  man,  or  320  acres  for  a  family,  all  in  return  for 
the  sum  of  300  Gulden  for  a  single  adult,  or  600  Gulden  for  a 


kulation  oder  dem  bloszen  Zufall  preisgegeben  wiirden  sondern  Aussicht  auf 
eine  sichere  Existenz  gewonnen,  wo  sie  ferner  ihre  Nationalitat  bewahren  und 
mit  dem  Vaterlande  in  Beziehung  bleiben  konnten." 
^  Cf.  Eickhoff  In  der  Neuen  Heimat,  p.  323. 


68  Young  Germany  in  America. 

family.     Churches,  schools  and  hospitals  were  to  be  built  as 
soon  as  possible. 

In  May,  1844,  Prince  Carl  zu  Solms-Braunfels  sailed  from 
Bremen  for  Texas  with  the  title  of  "General  Commissar." 
In  the  same  year  150  families  followed  him  arriving  at  In- 
dianola  in  December.  The  General  Commissar  found  upon  his 
arrival  that  the  company  had  been  swindled  by  Fischer,  as  the 
land  was  unfit  for  the  purposes  for  which  it  had  been  bought. 
He  therefore  selected  another  site,  and,  upon  the  arrival  of  the 
first  body  of  immigrants  in  March,  1845,  began  the  plans  for  the 
city  of  New  Braunfels.  After  the  difficulties  of  the  long  journey 
from  the  coast  to  the  settlement  were  successfully  endured  things 
went  well  for  a  time.  A  second  body  arrived  a  few  months  later. 
Soon,  however,  difficulties  began  to  arise,  caused  chiefly  by  the 
insufficient  amount  of  money  which  had  been  forwarded  from 
the  headquarters  of  the  society  in  Mainz.  The  Commissioner, 
Solms,  became  discouraged,  and  recognizing  the  difficulties  of 
the  undertaking,  resigned  and  went  back  to  Germany.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Freiherr  von  Meusebach,  who  arrived  in  the  Sum- 
mer of  1845,  ^^d  ^t  once  introduced  a  more  economical  system 
of  management.  While  on  an  expedition  which  he  made  to 
select  the  site  for  another  settlement,^  news  came  that  a  party 
of  more  than  one  thousand  immigrants  had  arrived  in  Galveston. 
He  hastened  to  that  city  and  found  that  the  company  had  sent 
this  large  body  of  colonists,  but  had  forwarded  no  money  for 
their  sustenance.  Meusebach  went  to  New  Orleans  to  try  to 
raise  a  loan.  In  the  meanwhile  great  suffering  prevailed  among 
those  who  had  just  arrived.  The  number  of  immigrants  in- 
creased every  day  until  there  were  2300  persons.  They  moved 
from  Galveston  to  Indianola,  as  the  means  for  conveyance  to 
New  Braunfels  were  not  forthcoming.  Here  they  were  subjected 
to  the  greatest  privation,  most  of  them  living  in  tents.  Soon 
fever  broke  out  and  the  death  rate  increased  horribly.  All 
efforts  to  get  transportation  failed  because  of  the  war  which  had 


^  This  settlement  later  became  Fredericksburg. 


7.  ►S.  Baker.  69 

broken  out  with  Mexico  and  which  made  it  necessary  that  all 
means  of  transport  should  be  pressed  into  military  service. 
Several  hundred  joined  the  United  States  army  and  fought 
against  the  Mexicans ;  a  larger  number  drifted  away  in  small 
groups  and  settled  in  different  parts  of  the  neighboring  country. 
A  few  penetrated  as  far  as  New  Braunfels,  but  it  is  sai5  nearly 
one  thousand  succumbed  to  the  disease,  which  had  been  brought 
on  by  exposure  and  by  the  unhealthy  location  of  the  camp. 
After  this  fiasco  very  little  further  was  attempted  by  the  mana- 
gers of  the  "  Verein."  It  began  to  dawn  upon  them  that  they 
had  misunderstood  and  miscalculated  the  difficulties  of  the  en- 
terprise, and  they  were  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  impracti- 
cability of  such  undertakings. 

Thus  ended  the  most  important  of  the  efforts  to  found  German 
states  in  America.  Several  other  attempts  were  made  later,  but 
they  were  for  the  most  part  on  a  small  scale  and  provoked  very 
little  comment.  It  will  be  seen  that  all  the  undertakings  which 
have  been  discussed  ended  in  dismal  failure.  The  far-reaching 
political  consequences  which  had  been  anticipated  amounted  to 
nothing.  An  explanation  of  this,  as  was  indicated  at  the  begin- 
ning of  this  chapter,  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  promo- 
ters of  these  undertakings  were  carried  away  by  their  imagina- 
tions ;  there  was  too  much  of  the  romantic  about  them.  Most 
■elaborate  schemes  were  organized  in  Germany  with  almost  no 
knowledge  of  the  real  condition  of  affairs  in  this  country. 

It  is,  however,  hardly  to  be  supposed  that  the  great  number  of 
immigrants  that  were  coming  to  America  at  this  time  left  no 
traces  upon  American  life  and  politics.  The  radical  doctrines 
advanced  by  the  "  Zweiunddreisziger  "  and  the  "  Achtundvier- 
ziger  "  were  heard  outside  German  circles.  They  came  to  the 
ears  of  Americans  as  well ;  and  they  did  not  go  unnoticed.  ^ 


1  Cf.  "  The  Naturalization  Laws  and  Policy  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church," 
speech  of  Hon.  W.  R.  Smith,  of  Alabama,  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
January  15,  1855  {^Congressional  Globe  Appendix^  p.  94.) — "The  foreigner 
believes  that  America  is  the  natural  rendezvous  for  all  the  exiled  patriots  and 
disaffected  and  turbulent  persons  of  the  earth,  and  that  here  they  are  to  meet 
to  form  plans  and  concoct  schemes  to  revolutionize  all  creation  '  and  the  rest  of 
mankind.' " 


70  Young  Germany  in  America. 

What  was  then  the  position  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States  towards  the  German  immigrants  and  more  particularly 
to  the  theories  advanced  by  them  ?  ^  Unquestionably  the  growth 
of  "  Know-nothingism  "  and  "  Nativism  "  was  forwarded  by  the 
antagonistic  position  taken  by  the  Germans  towards  American 
institutions.  The  Americans  felt  that  if  their  wild  speeches 
and  theories  were  allowed  to  pass  unnoticed  they  would  in  time 
become  a  serious  menace.  Accordingly  a  very  great  dislike  and 
in  some  quarters  an  intense  hatred  was  developed  towards  the 
German  which  showed  itself  upon  all  public  occasions,  but 
especially  at  elections. 

One  of  the  most  important  cities  in  this  connection  is  Louis- 
ville. Here  a  great  many  of  the  hot-headed  revolutionists  had 
come  together.  The  most  violent  plans  were  proposed  by  them, 
much  to  the  terror  of  the  older  inhabitants  who  had  experienced 
the  dangers  of  earlier  native  American  movements.  The  air 
became  charged  with  the  utterances  of  the  foreign  enthusiasts. 
The  Louisville  Journal  took  up  the  question  and  brought  the 
doings  of  the  Germans  before  its  readers.  The  result  was  that 
the  election  of  1855  became  the  signal  for  a  violent  demonstra- 
tion. On  the  4th  of  August,  in  Louisville,  every  German  who 
approached  the  polls  and  did  not  know  the  password  of  the 
"  Know-nothings,"  was  driven  away  with  stones  and  clubs. 
Armed  bands  paraded  through  the  city  beating,  plundering  and 

^  Cf.  Niles  Register,  p,  196  ;  "A  late  paper  says  :  '  Numbers  are  preparing  to 
quit  their  country  for  the  American  States.  In  Rhenish  Bavaria  associations 
are  forming  for  the  purpose,  and  a  deputation  is  said  to  be  in  readiness  to  start 
for  the  United  States,  in  order  to  have  communication  with  the  government  of 
that  country  and  to  purchase  tracts  which  are  to  be  peopled  from  hence  and  to 
be  called  "New  Germany."  Formerly  the  exiles  were  persons  who  went  to 
seek  fortune's  favors.  Now  from  some  districts  near  the  Rhine  fifteen  persons 
who  each  possess  from  ^3,000  to  ^4,000  are  making  all  ready.  It  is  even  said 
that  wealth  will  leave  that  district  in  the  hands  of  a  few  families  to  the  amount 
of  ;^ioo,ooo,  a  considerable  sum  for  Germany,  which  is  to  be  deserted  because 
the  people  are  treated  with  mjustice.  We  shall  give  these,  and  all  such  as  these, 
from  any  and  every  country  a  welcome,  but  the  idea  of  settling  in  a  large  and 
compact  body  cannot  be  approved.  In  coming  hither  they  should  expect  that 
their  children  at  least  will  become  Americans  in  habits,  manners  and  feelings 
and  be  fully  incorporated  into  tlie  body  of  the  citizens.'  " 


T.  S.  Baker.  71 

sometimes  killing  the  defenceless  Germans.  The  greatest 
excitement  prevailed  and  the  most  disgraceful  scenes  were 
enacted.^  This  condition  of  affairs  was  not  confined  to  Louis- 
ville, but  probably  in  that  city  there  was  more  violence  displayed 
than  anywhere  else.  As  a  result  of  this  violent  opposition  of 
the  Americans  towards  the  Germans,  it  was  felt  in  certain  quar- 
ters that  something  should  be  done  to  conciliate  the  American 
national  pride  and  at  the  same  time  give  expression  to  the 
extreme  radical  tendencies  of  the  "Achtundvierziger."  This  is 
the  point  of  view  from  which  the  movement  which  culminated 
in  the  Wheeling  Congress  and  the  book  The  New  Rome  must 
be  considered.  The  movement  is  above  all  things  to  be  regarded 
in  the  light  of  a  compromise  on  the  part  of  the  Germans  toward 
the  existing  "  Know-nothingism."  The  promoters  of  the  new 
venture  were  also  desirous  of  helping  the  revolutionary  cause  in 
Germany,  and  when  they  found  that  it  was  impossible  to  use  direct 
methods,  indirect  means  were  resorted  to. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1852  certain  "  Revolutions- 
Vereine  "  were  founded  in  the  most  important  cities  of  the  East 
and  also  in  a  few  of  the  western  cities.  The  headquarters  of 
the  new  league  was  at  first  in  Philadelphia,  afterwards  in  Boston. 
It  later  became  known  as  the  "  Volksbund  fiir  die  alte  und  neue 
Welt."  ^     Its  object  was  to  form  an  "  Universalrepublik  "  with 

1  Cf.  L.  Stierlin.  Der  Staat  Kentucky  und  die  Stadt  Louisville.  Louisville, 
1873- 

^  This  society  was  first  known  as  the  "American  Revolutionary  League  for 
Europe  "  At  a  congress  held  in  Philadelphia  the  following  address  and  regula- 
tions were  adopted  on  January  29,  1852  :  "  Fellow  Citizens,  the  Congress  of  the 
'American  Revolutionary  League  for  Europe,'  herewith  submit  the  result  of 
their  deliberations  to  the  judgment  of  the  people,  all  parties  of  which  were 
represented  in  that  body. 

"  Earnestly  resolved  to  find  the  means  of  terminating  the  desperate  condition 
of  the  liberty-thirsty  people  of  Europe,  firmly  convinced  that  the  first  great 
step  to  the  attainment  of  this  goal  is  the  cordial  co-operation  of  all  who  seek  it, 
it  was  for  us  to  explore  the  middle  ground  upon  which  all  parties  could  honor- 
ably and  cheerfully  unite  their  forces. 

"The  conscious  determination  to  achieve  a  revolution  thorough  and  complete 
was  the  warrant  for  our  actions,  and  of  you,  sovereign  people,  we  ask  the  ratifi- 
cation of  this  warrant  in  the  readiness  with  which  you  shall  erect  upon  the  founda- 


73  Young  Germany  in  America. 

the  United  States  as  the  centre.  In  other  words,  to  annex  all 
the  countries  of  the  world  to  the  United  States.  The  motto  of 
the  United  States  E piuribus  Unum  was  taken  in  the  broadest 
possible  sense.  Out  of  all  the  political  divisions  a  universal 
empire  would  be  formed,  just  as  this  country  was  an  aggrega- 
tion of  states.  The  originator  of  this  movement  was  Carl  Goepp, 
a  young  German,  who  had  been  compelled  to  leave  Europe 
because  of  the  part  which  he  took  in  the  disturbances  of  1848. 
The  radical  doctrines  proposed  by  Goepp  were  first  published  in 
a  pamphlet  entitled  E piuribus  Unu??i  in  1852.  The  point  of 
view  in  this  tract  is  strictly  American  ;  it  is  rather  an  address  to 
the  American  people  than  a  statement  of  the  theories  of  any 
German  organization.  The  appearance  in  print  of  this  docu- 
ment w^as  hailed  by  certain  of  the  "  Achtundvierziger "  as  a 
happy  solution  of  the  question  how  America  would  be  able  to 
bring  about  freedom  in  Germany.     The  unusual  character  of 


tion  we  have  laid  the  superstructure  of  an  extensive,  yea,  a  universal  fusion  of 
all  revolutionary  elements.  Let  us  then  be  up  and  doing  !  Our  cause  is  noble, 
is  sacred.  The  barriers  that  cramp  the  growth  of  active,  intelligent  and  high- 
souled  Nations  are  to  be  stricken  down,  mankind  is  to  be  restored  to  its 
humanity.  Let  the  motto  for  the  strife  be  union  in  the  American  Revolutionary 
League. 

"  The  object  of  the  league  shall  be  the  radical  liberalization  of  the  European 
continent ;  for  which  are  required :  i.  The  overthrow  of  monarchy  and  the 
establishment  of  the  Republic,  because  in  the  Republic  alone  can  all  the  horrors 
of  tyranny  be  prevented.  2.  Direct  and  universal  suffrage  and  the  recall  of 
representatives  by  the  majority  of  their  constituents,  because  this  alone  secures 
the  supremacy  of  the  popular  will  in  the  workings  of  popular  institutions.  3. 
The  abolition  of  standing  armies  and  inviolability  of  the  right  of  the  people  to 
bear  arms,  because  the  last  resource  of  forcible  resistance  is  the  only  protection 
against  the  last  device  of  forcible  usurpation.  4.  The  union  for  these  ends  of 
all  persons,  associations,  parties  and  nations  for  the  annihilation  of  oppression, 
because  without  such  concerted  efforts  the  organized  power  of  tyrants  is  invin- 
cible." Act  III  Means  Sec.  i. — Agitation  as  well  in  Europe  as  in  America. 
Sec.  2. — Accumulation  of  a  revolutionary  fund.  Sec-  3. — Formation  of  armed 
organizations  desirous  of  entering  personally  into  the  struggle  and  of  preparing 
it  by  military  exercises. 

Cf.  "The  Naturalization  Laws  and  Policy  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church," 
speech  of  Hon.  W.  R.  Smith,  of  Alabama,  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
January  15,  1855,  Cottgressional  Globe  Appendix,  2nd  Session  of  33rd  Con- 
gress, p.  94. 


T.  S.  Baker.  jt^ 

Goepp's  views,  at  first,  as  was  to  be  expected,  caused  great 
astonishment,  but  the  novelty  of  his  position  and  at  the  same 
time  its  radical  nature  cause  it  later  to  find  much  favor.  Its 
-success  was  greater  in  the  West  than  in  the  more  conservative 
eastern  cities.  Meetings  to  discuss  it  were  held  in  Wheeling, 
Cincinnati,  Louisville,  Cleveland  and  Buffalo,  as  well  as  in  most 
of  the  large  cities  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  It  was  decided  to 
translate  the  document  "in  alle  moglichen  Sprachen."  The 
culmination  was  reached  when  they  resolved  to  hold  a  congress 
to  discuss  the  best  means  of  bringing  the  new  doctrine  before 
the  public.  A  summons  for  a  meeting  in  Wheeling,  Virginia, 
on  the  i8th  of  September,  1852,  was  issued  in  the  name  of  the 
"Volksbund  fiir  die  alte  und  neue  Welt,"  which  had  adopted 
Goepp's  views  in  toto.  Sixteen  delegates  responded  to  the  call, 
representing  a  large  number  of  societies  in  Philadelphia,  Boston, 
Roxbury,  Albany,  Troy,  Pittsburg,  Newark,  etc.  A  great  many 
more  representatives  had  been  expected,  but  notwithstanding 
the  small  attendance  meetings  were  held.  The  most  important 
business  transacted  was  the  preparation  of  an  address  "  An  das 
Amerikanische  Volk."  ^  The  efforts  of  the  "  Volksbund  "  seem 
to  have  spent  themselves  in  this  Wheeling  congress,  for  after- 
wards very  little  more  is  heard  of  it. 

These  peculiar  theories  found  further  elaboration  in  a  book 
published  jointly  by  Theodor  Poesche  and  Charles  Goepp  :   The 


^  Cf.  Der  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  viii,  p.  90,  ff.  The  address  begins  very 
formally  as  follows:  "Der  Congress  des  Volksbundes  fiir  die  alte  und  neue 
Welt  an  das  Amerikanische  Volk.  Vernehmt  von  Neuem  unsere  Stimme,  Ihr 
habt  den  Anforderungen  des  blutenden  Europa  gelauscht,  in  Tonen  ergossen 
wie  die  Welt  nie  wieder  horen  wird.  Wir  wollen  diese  Anstrengungen  nicht 
wiederholen  ;  was  sie  nicht  auf  jenem  Felde  zu  Stande  bringen  konnten.  geht 
iiber  den  Bereich  menschlicher  Kraft  hinaus,"  etc.  The  document  was  signed 
by  the  following  delegates  :  Dr.  Conradin  Homburg,  President ;  E.  Schlager, 
.Sekretar  aus  Boston ;  Lemhart  Roos,  aus  Newark ;  J.  Miiller,  aus  Cleveland  ; 
R.  Fischer,  aus  Wheeling;  C.  Goepp,  aus  Philadelphia;  C.  Strobel,  aus  Wheeling; 
W.  Rosenthal,  aus  Philadelphia ;  L.  Meyer,  aus  Boston ;  Lorenz  Kirchner,  aus 
Troy ;  J.  N.  Winkle,  aus  Wheeling  ;  G.  Baczho,  aus  Albany  ;  W.  Rothacher, 
fiir  London  ;  J.  Roth,  aus  Pittsburg  ;  A.  Gewig,  aus  Cincinnati  und  C.  Hoffman, 
vaus  Pittsburg. 


74  You7ig  Germany  in  America. 

New  Rome  ;  or^  The  United  States  of  the  World}  It  was  dedi- 
cated to  "  Franklin  Pierce,  President  of  the  United  States,  being 
a  guess  at  the  spirit  in  which  he  was  elected."  This  book  was 
written  from  the  same  point  of  view  as  E pluribus  Unum.  The 
authors  always  speak  of  themselves  as  Americans,  and  their  work 
is  even  more  American  in  its  tone  than  the  E pluribus  Unum 
tract.  The  geographical,  ethnographical,  statistical,  commercial, 
monetary  and  industrial  observations  and  reflections  are  the 
work  of  Poesche.  The  historical,  legal  and  metaphysical  argu- 
ments, the  details  on  American  legal  and  political  institutions 
are  to  a  great  extent  the  production  of  his  colleague.  Poesche 
wrote  the  first  draft  in  German.  Goepp  following  his  arrange- 
ment reproduced  it  in  English,  interpolating  his  own  ideas  and 
such  new  thoughts  as  occured  to  either  or  both,  in  their  conver- 
sation and  studies,  as  the  work  went  on.  The  key  to  the  whole 
book  is  found  in  the  following  extract  in  which  the  significance 
of  the  title  becomes  at  once  apparent  (page  lo) : 

"  This  New  Rome.,  the  American  Union,  is  a  reflection  of  the 
old,  even  in  its  geographical  position.  The  Roman  Empire, 
embracing  the  "  orbis  terrarum  "  of  the  geography  of  that  time, 
was  a  political  organization  of  the  circle  of  lands  that  skirted 
the  Mediterranian  Sea,  in  the  midst  of  which,  like  a  great  line 
of  battle  ships,  was  moored  the  Italian  peninsula.  So  the  Ameri- 
ican  peninsula,  its  northern  extremity  connected  with  the  main- 
land of  the  other  continent  by  means  of  icebergs  which  have 
bafiled  our  explorers  as  obstinately  as  the  Rhaetian  Alps  whilom 
hemmed  in  the  Roman  pioneers,  divides  the  ocean  into  its  two 
great  basins.  In  the  middle  of  these  peninsulas  was  founded, 
respectively,  the  Etrurian  and  the  British  colonies.  Each  looks 
to  the  East  for  the  sources  of  its  civilization.  Each  casts  its  eye 
first  upon  its  native  peninsula,  and  strives  to  reduce  it  to  its 
undisputed  sway.  Thus  the  acquisition  of  all  Italy  was  an 
important  epoch  in  Roman  politics ;  it  supplied  the  base  for 
further  operations.  Thus  '  the  continent  is  ours  '  is  becoming 
more  and  more  distinctly  a  leading  American  aspiration." 

1  Published  by  G.  P.  Putnam  &  Co.,  New  York,  1853. 


7.  S.  Baker.  75 

And  again,  on  p.  47,  the  following  significant  passage  is  found  : 
"  America  is  the  crucible  in  which  European,  Asiatic  and 
African  nationalities  and  peculiarities  are  smelted  into  unity. 
We  have  assigned  to  the  Romanic  nations  the  station  of  vener- 
able old  age,  giving  counsel  from  its  treasured  experiences ;  to 
the  Germanic  the  lusty  action  of  maturity,  just  emancipated 
from  tutelage  ;  and  to  the  Sclavonic,  the  eager  attention  of  early 
youth,  looking  in  anxiously  while  the  men  are  working,  and 
sometimes  proud  to  offer  assistance."  The  authors  write  very 
confidently.  On  page  8  they  say  "  The  following  essay  .... 
proposes  to  tell  neither  what  might  nor  what  should,  but  simply 
what  must  be."  The  whole  work  is  divided  into  three  parts, 
entitled,  respectively,  "Politics,"  "Social,"  "Organization,"  and 
the  final  part,  which  consists  of  only  two  pages,  discusses  "  Lan- 
guage." The  first  subdivision  of  Part  I  (Politics)  is  "  Present 
Projects,"  the  second  chapter  "  Internal  Growth,"  the  third 
"  Constitution."  In  Chapter  II  the  discussion  of  the  statistics 
of  immigration  is  taken  up.  Chapter  III  treats  at  length  the 
United  States  Constitution,  showing  how  well  it  lends  itself  to 
the  scheme  proposed.  The  fourth  chapter  in  Part  I  is  headed 
"  Mission  ;"  chapter  5,  "  The  Anglo-Saxons." 

According  to  their  manner  of  argument  the  confederation  of 
all  the  States  of  North  and  South  America  is  a  question  of  only 
a  few  years.  The  time  seemed  ripe,  California  and  New  Mexico 
had  just  been  annexed  and  the  annexation  of  Cuba  was  being 
discussed. 

"  No  pent-up  Utica  can  hold  our  powers 
The  whole,  the  boundless  continent  is  ours," 

was  a  favorite  sentiment.  With  the  whole  of  the  American 
continent  at  its  back,  the  United  States  would  be  in  a  position 
to  contest  for  the  possession  of  some  of  the  English  colonies. 
In  this  connection  Australia  is  discussed  at  considerable  length. 
The  discovery  of  gold  there  had  attracted  immense  crowds  of 
immigrants.  They  say  1000  persons  a  day  (in  1852)  are  leaving 
England   for  the  Australian  gold   fields.      Great   numbers   of 


76  Young  Germany  in  America. 

Americans  were  also  sailing  for  Australia.  The  result  of  all 
this  immigration  would  evidently  result  in  some  collision  with 
the  home  government.  The  curious  mixture  of  people  which 
would  be  found  there,  would  not  be  willing  to  submit  to  a 
government  thousands  of  miles  away.  There  would  be  a  revolt. 
The  Americans  would  of  course  come  to  the  front  and  assume 
control  of  affairs,  and  then  having  gotten  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, annexation  to  the  United  States  would  be  assured. 

They  conclude  then  the  discussion  of  this  point  by  saying : 
"  With  all  the  continent  and  Australia  in  the  American  scale, 
the  addition  of  the  rest  of  the  world  will  be  a  question  of  time 
regulated  by  American  convenience."  The  infederation  of  Eng- 
land is  treated  as  a  very  easy  matter.  On  page  87  the  following 
remarkable  statement  is  made  : 

"  The  stupendous  greatness  of  England  is  fictitious,  and  will 
only  become  natural  when  that  empire  shall  have  found  its  real 
centre ;  that  centre  is  in  the  United  States.  The  Anglican 
Empire  is  essentially  oceanic,  its  dominions  extend  along  the 
coasts  of  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,  the  lesser  and  the  greater 
ocean.  America,  lying  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  is  therefore 
its  natural  point  of  gravitation.  The  realization  of  an  idea 
higher  than  could  be  developed  in  the  mother  island,  that  of  the 
republican  democracy,  required  a  temporary  segregation  of  the 
centre,  but  the  former  adjunct  being  now  no  longer  merely  the 
geographical  centre,  but  the  political  and  social  focus,  must  take 
the  lead.  England  with  her  colonies  must  be  a7inexed  to  the 
American  Unions 

Chapter  VI  treats  "  The  Teutonic  Race  ;"  chapter  VII  "  The 
Jews  ;"  chapter  VIII  "  The  Sclavonic  Race." 

According  to  the  authors,  Russia  is  the  only  nation  of  the 
earth  that  will  offer  any  real  resistance  to  the  march  of  the 
United  States.  Russia  dreamed  also  of  an  universal  empire. 
When,  therefore,  the  United  States  and  Russia  come  together, 
"  Then  will  the  mastery  of  Europe  be  the  prize  of  the  death 
struggle  between  the  Union  and  the  Czar."  Page  109,  "  Thus 
the  lines  are  drawn.     The  choirs  are  marshalled  on  each  wing 


T.   S.  Baker.  jy 

of  the  world's  stage ;  Russia  leading  the  one,  the  United  States 
the  other.  Yet  the  world  is  too  small  for  both,  and  the  contest 
must  end  in  the  downfall  of  one  and  the  victory  of  the  other," 
Chapter  IX  is  entitled  "  The  Romanic  Races,"  and  chapter  X 
"The  Moguls."  Thus  ends  the  first  part  of  the  New  Rome. 
Parts  II  and  III  are  quite  unimportant  for  the  present  discussion. 

This  book  of  Poesche  and  Goepp  represents  the  acme  of  radi- 
calism. Although  at  the  time  of  its  publication  it  found  con- 
siderable favor,  yet  in  a  few  years  it  became  the  laughing  stock 
of  all  German- Americans.  As  far  as  reaching  the  great  masses 
of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  is  concerned,  it  seems  to  have 
failed  completely  in  the  expectation  of  its  authors.  The  civil 
war  and  the  events  leading  up  to  the  war  took  precedence 
over  all  discussions  of  this  kind,  so  that  it  was  soon  relegated, 
one  might  say,  to  oblivion.  In  spite  of  its  fantastic  character, 
it  should  not  be  considered  as  something  altogether  new  and 
unhistorical.  In  certain  respects  it  was  the  logical  outcome  of 
the  long-continued  method  of  considering  America  as  a  field  for 
the  trial  of  whatever  was  politically  impossible  in  Europe.  The 
fact  that  the  rapid  growth  of  Russia  caused  apprehension  in 
some  parts  that  the  whole  of  Europe  might  some  day  come  under 
the  sway  of  Russia,  is  also  important  in  this  connection.  The 
day  when  Napoleon  seemed  near  carrying  out  his  dreams  of  a 
universal  empire  had  not  been  forgotten.  The  saying  "  Pansla- 
vismus  und  Napoleonismus  "  had  become  an  every-day  phrase. 
In  The  New  Rome  these  ideas  are  transferred  to  America, 
where,  just  at  this  time,  there  was  more  or  less  enthusiasm  for 
extending  the  bounds  of  the  Union. 

As  applied  to  America  this  was  certainly  unique,  but  we  notice 
in  the  whole  tendency  of  the  "  Young  German  "  movement  a 
drift  towards — what  may  be  called  for  lack  of  a  better  word — 
"universality."  A  national  literature  should  be  discouraged  and  a 
literature  of  the  world  ought  to  take  its  place.  In  some  quar- 
ters patriotism  itself  was  frowned  upon — patriotism  was  an 
animal  impulse  of  the  blood  ;  we  ought  to  devote  ourselves  not  to 
one  nation  but  to  the  whole  human  race.     I  see,  therefore,  in  the 


y8  Young  Germany  itf^America. 

^world  republic  scheme  of  the  Wheeling  congress  something  that 
is  not  so  thoroughly  bizarre  and  unhistorical. 

Up  to  the  present  only  the  most  radical  plans  of  the  Germans 
have  been  treated.  This,  however,  does  not  mean  that  all  Ger- 
mans who  came  to  this  country  during  the  period  of  1830  to 
1855  were  in  accord  with  these  theories.  It  is  safe  to  say  that 
nearly  all  the  immigrants  believed  firmly  that  the  Germans  had 
a  mission  to  fulfill  in  the  United  States.  Not  a  "  mission  "  in 
the  sense  that  they  expected  to  benefit  the  natives,  but  rather  in 
that  they  supposed  the  "German  element"  would  play  an  im- 
portant role  in  the  future  of  the  republic — a  much  more  import- 
ant part  than  what  has  occurred  since,  has  shown  to  be  the  case. 
The  majority  of  them  believed  that  this  importance  would  show 
itself  in  a  political  way.  To  such  as  these  the  expectation  of 
Germanizing  the  United  States  was  a  reality.  Others  believed 
that  the  Germans  had  no  future  here  as  a  separate  political 
power.  That  they  would  achieve  most  by  losing  themselves  in 
the  life  of  the  great  republic  at  the  same  time  contributing  what- 
ever of  culture  they  might  possess  to  help  make  a  new  American 
civilization.  In  other  words,  that  the  Germans  would  accom- 
plish most  in  an  educational  way.^  Most  of  the  German-Ameri- 
cans, whether  they  believed  it  best  for  the  Germans  to  become 
denationalized  or  not,  thought  that  they  could  accomplish  most 
by  allowing  themselves  to  be  formally  naturalized  and  to  ally 
themselves  to  one  of  the  existing  American  political  parties. 
Some  of  the  more  radical  proposed  the  formation  of  a  new  party, 
the  cardinal  principles  of  which  would  be  the  abolition  of  slavery 
and  Puritanism.  These  were  the  most  repulsive  features  of 
American  life  to  the  German  immigrants.  Most  of  the  political 
exiles  were  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  doctrines  of  "  Young 


^  The  Anzeiger  des  Westens  favored  strongly  the  idea  of  the  Germans  giving 
up  their  nationality  when  they  came  to  America  and  becoming  at  once  Ameri- 
canized. Fr.  Kapp  believed  also  that  the  German  element  had  no  prospect  of 
long  holding  together. 

Cf.  also  Julius  Froebel,  Die  Deutsche  Auswanderung  und  ihre  culturhis- 
loriche  Bedeutung ;  Funfzehn  Brief e  an  den  Herausgeber  der  Allgemeinen 
Auswanderungs  Zeitung.    Leipzig,  1858. 


T.  S.  Baker.  79 

Germany,"  and  one  of  the  most  important  features  of  this  school 
was  its  unfriendliness  towards  Christianity.  When,  therefore, 
men  who  held  such  theories  as  these  came  to  America  one  of 
the  first  things  that  struck  them,  and  which,  at  the  same  time, 
disgusted  them,  was  what  they  called  "  puritanismus."  '  Against 
this  and  against  slavery  was  directed  a  great  deal  of  the  literary 
activity  which  showed  itself  in  the  numerous  German  news- 
papers which  sprang  up  everywhere.  In  Der  Amerika?nude 
frequent  references  are  found  to  the  hypocrisy  of  the  Americans. 

The  seat  of  this  movement  to  form  a  new  political  party  was 
in  the  West,  especially  in  Kentucky  and  Louisville.  Emil  Klau- 
precht  in  his  book  {Deutsche  Chronik  in  der  Geschichte  des 
Ohio-Thales.  Cinn.  1864.)  gives  an  account  of  this  attempt 
as  follows  :  page  187  ;  "  Das  Jahr  1854  sah  ein  reges  politisches 
Leben  unter  den  Ankommlingen  von  1848.  In  Louisville 
vereinigten  sich  die  deutschen  Fortschrittsfreunde  auf  eine  Plat- 
form, entworfen  von  Heinzen,  Domschcke,  Burgeler,  und  Wittig, 
welche  der  Sklaverei  und  dem  Kirchenwesen  den  Krieg  erklarte. 
In  der  Freimaurer-halle  von  Cincinnati  wurde  Ende  Marz  die 
Abgeordneten  von  17  Vereinen  Chios  unter  Vorsitz  des  Herrn 
Miiller  aus  Cleveland  zu  diesem  Zweck  versammelt.  Sie  ent- 
warfen  eine  Platform  ahnlich  der  von  Louisville." 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  new  party  sprang  into  life  at  a  com- 
paratively late  date,  although  it  had  been  felt  for  a  long  time 
that  such  a  party  was  desirable,  provided  it  could  gain  sufficient 
following  to  make  it  a  factor  in  the  elections.  The  sequel 
showed  that  this  hesitation  was  well  founded,  inasmuch  as  the 
new  party  never  met  with  any  success.  Its  importance  con- 
sists merely  in  the  fact  that  it  shows  the  intense  opposition  that 
was  felt  towards  the  American  religious  sects  and  towards 
slavery.  The  position  occupied  by  the  German  to  the  various 
political  parties  requires  a  more  special  treatment  than  is  possi- 
ble in  the  present  investigation.^     The  "  German  element "  did 

^  That  the  Germans  were  opposed  to  Christianity  soon  became  known  among 
the  Americans.  In  Louisville  about  the  year  1854  one  of  the  Presbyterian 
Churches  made  a  special  effort  to  "  convert  these  heathens." 

^  Koerners  book,  Das  Deutsche  Element,  has  to  do  very  largely  with  the 
history  of  the  part  the  Germans  have  taken  in  the  American  political  parties. 


o8  Young  Germany  ifi  Atnerica. 

not,  in  a  body,  join  any  one  particular  party.  Germans  voted 
one  way  or  the  other,  according  to  whatever  seemed  best  for 
their  own  personal  interest.  Local  conditions,  to  a  certain 
extent,  governed  their  action. 

In  concluding  this  study  the  question  naturally  suggests 
itself.  Have  there  been  any  survivals  of  the  radical  tendencies 
of  the  immigrants  of  1832  and  1848?  In  answer  to  this  ques- 
tion it  is  only  necessary  to  refer  to  the  efforts  of  a  society  known 
as  Der  deutsche  Kriegerbund  which  is  in  existence  to-day,  and 
to  an  article  explaining  the  objects  of  this  organization  contained 
in  the  Preussische  Jahrbucher  for  January,  1895,  entitled  "  Die 
Deutschen  in  Amerika,"  von  Wilhelm  Weber,  Pastor  in  Belle- 
ville, 111. 

In  this  article  the  author  claims  that  one-third  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  United  States  are  of  German  extraction.  Therefore, 
the  German  influence  should  be  "  massgebend,"  and  the  United 
States  a  German  empire.  But  the  German  is  required  by  the 
natives  to  play  a  very  subordinate  part.  This  is  not  as  it  should 
be.  Are  there  any  remedies  for  this  condition  of  affairs  ?  Pas- 
tor Weber  thinks  there  are,  and  finds  the  important  agent  in 
bringing  about  the  reforms,  the  foundation  of  what  he  calls 
"  Musterschulen."  These  schools  will  be  supported  by  the 
"  Deutsche  Kriegerbund,"  which  is  an  organization  of  Germans 
living  in  America  who  at  some  time  have  been  in  the  German 
army.  Branches  exist  in  many  of  the  cities  of  the  Union.  He 
proceeds  as  follows  : — "  Ich  nenne  nur  diesen  Bund  den  einzigen 
und  wahren  Reprasentanten  des  deutschen  Reiches  in  Amerika. 
Das  deutsche  Heer  hat  durch  seine  Siege  das  Reich  geschaffen," 
etc. 

The  chief  point  of  the  argument  consists  in  the  statement 
that  in  order  to  preserve  the  German  national  feeling  among  the 
German- Americans,  it  is  necessary  to  continue  the  use  of  German 
as  an  educational  and  conversational  medium.  Schools  accord- 
ingly will  be  founded  which  will  offer  instruction  to  children 
of  German  parents  for  a  period  of  about  four  years,  the  child 
beginning  the  course  at  the  age  of  ten.     German  teachers  will  be 


T.  S.  Baker.  8i 

secured  from  Germany,  men,  who,  although  it  will  be  necessary 
to  accept  a  small  salary  here,  when  they  become  too  old  to  teach, 
a  pension  will  be  assured  them  by  the  German  home  government. 
The  superintendents  of  instruction  will  be  expected  to  make 
their  reports  to  Germany.  Thus  Pastor  Weber  wishes  to  place 
the  whole  system  under  the  patronage  of  the  German  empire, 
making  the  system  of  Musterschulen  an  instrument  for  extending 
the  power  of  the  empire.  The  whole  plan  is  elaborated  with 
great  care.  A  way  is  found  for  providing  for  the  necessary 
expenses,  and  all  the  difficulties  of  the  undertaking  are  met  in  a 
manner  which  seems  to  perfectly  satisfy  the  author  of  the  article. 
The  proposed  system  is  as  radical  and  as  impossible  as  any  of 
the  plans  suggested  by  the  most  "  doctrinaire  "  of  the  "  Achtund- 
vierziger."  This  one  article  then  is  sufficient  to  show  that  hopes 
of  the  Germanization  of  America  are  not  yet  dead  in  some 
quarters. 


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Dr.  G.  Engelman  und  Karl  Neyfeld.     Heidelberg,  1837-38. 
Wiegand,  G.  H. — Atlantische  Studien.    Zeitschrift.    Gottingen,  1853. 
Wede,  F.  W. — Lebensbilder  aus  den  Vereinigten  Staaten.     Cassel, 

1844. 
Ziegler,  A. — Skizzen  einer  Reise  durch   Nord  Amerika  und   West 

Indien.     Dresden,  1848. 
Zirckel,  O. — Skizzen  aus  den  und  iiber  die  Vereinigten  Staaten,  fur 

Auswanderer  Politiker  und  Kapitalisten.     Berlin,  1850. 
Zimmermann. — Deutsch  in  Amerika.     Chicago.     2.  Aug.  1895. 


VITA. 

I,  Thomas  Stockham  Baker,  was  born  on  the  23rd  of  March, 
1 87 1,  near  Aberdeen,  Maryland.  My  early  education  was  re- 
ceived in  the  Baltimore  public  schools.  After  a  three  years' 
course  at  the  Johns  Hopkins  University,  I  received  the  degree 
of  Bachelor  of  Arts  in  1891.  In  October  of  the  same  year,  I 
began  advanced  studies  in  German,  French  and  History,  which 
have  been  continued  through  the  past  four  years.  During  the 
Summer  semester  of  1892,  I  attended  courses  at  the  University 
of  Leipzig.  In  1893,  I  ^^^  appointed  Fellow  in  German  at  the 
Johns  Hopkins  University,  and  have  held  during  the  year  1894- 
95  a  Fellowship  by  courtesy. 

I  take  this  opportunity  of  thanking  Professor  Elliott  and  Pro- 
fessor Adams,  Doctor  Motzke  and  Doctor  Menger  for  the  gener- 
ous assistance  received  in  their  departments. 

To  Professor  Learned  I  am  indebted  for  valuable  suggestions 
and  for  his  uniform  interest  in  the  progress  of  my  studies. 

To  Professor  Wood  I  have  been  under  constant  obligation. 
His  scholarly  method  and  example  have  been  a  continual 
source  of  inspiration. 


14  DAY  USE 

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